THE KORNILOV AFFAIR

1.  RADIO TELEGRAM FROM KERENSKY TO ALL THE COUNTRY
27 August 1917
 
I hereby announce: On August 26 General Kornilov sent to me member of the State Duma Vladimir L'vov with a demand for the surrender by the Provisional Government of all civil and military power, so that he may form, at his personal discretion, a new government to administer the country. The authenticity of Deputy L'vov's authorization to make such a proposal to me was subsequently confirmed by General Kornilov in his conversation with me by direct wire. Perceiving in the presentation of such demands addressed to the Provisional Government in my person a desire of certain circles of Russian society to take advantage of the grave condition of the State for the purpose of establishing in the country a regime opposed to the conquests of the revolution, the Provisional Government has found it indispensable:

To authorize me, for the salvation of our motherland, of liberty, and of our republican order, to take prompt and resolute measures for the purpose of uprooting any attempt to encroach upon the Supreme Power in the State and upon the rights which the citizens have achieved by the revolution.

I am taking all necessary measures to protect the liberty and order of the     country, and the population will be informed in due time with regard to such measures.

At the same time I order herewith:

1. General Kornilov to surrender the post of Supreme Commander to General Klembovskii, the Commander in Chief of the Northern Front, which bars the way to Petrograd; and General Klembovskii to assume temporarily the post of Supreme Commander, while remaining at Pskov.

2. The city and uezd of Petrograd under martial law, extending to it the regulations for regions declared under martial law. . . .

I call upon all the citizens to preserve complete tranquillity and to maintain order, which is so indispensable for the salvation of the country. I call upon all the ranks of the army and navy to carry on with calmness and self-sacrifice their duty of defending the country against the external enemy.
 
A.F. KERENSKY, Minister-President, Minister of War and Navy

2.  KORNILOV'S RESPONSE TO KERENSKY'S RADIO TELEGRAM     
27 August 1917

The Minister-President's telegram No. 4163 in its entire first part is a lie throughout: it was not I who sent the Member of the State Duma, Vladimir L'vov, to the Provisional Government, but he came to me as the envoy of the Minister-President. Aleksei Alad'in, member of the State Duma, is a witness to this. A great provocation has thus taken place which jeopardizes the fate of the motherland.  

People of Russia! Our great motherland is dying. The hour of her death is near. Forced to speak openly, I, General Kornilov, declare that under the pressure of the Bolshevik majority of the Soviets, the Provisional Government acts in complete harmony with the plans of the German general staff, and simultaneously with the forthcoming landing of the enemy forces on the Riga shores, it is killing the army and undermines the very foundation of the infantry.

The heavy sense of the inevitable ruin of the country commands me in these ominous moments to call upon all Russian people to come to the aid of the dying motherland. All in whose breasts a Russian heart is beating, who believe in God, in the Church, pray to the Lord for the greatest miracle, the saving of our native land!

I, General Kornilov, son of a Cossack peasant, declare to all and sundry that I want nothing for myself, except the preservation of a Great Russia, and I vow to bring the people by means of victory over the enemy to the Constituent Assembly, where they will themselves decide their fate and choose their new form of government.  

But it is quite impossible for me to betray Russia into the hands of her ancient enemy, the German race, and to turn the Russian people into German slaves. I prefer to die on the battlefield of honor rather than see the disgrace and infamy of the Russian land.

Russian people, the life of your motherland is in your hands!  

GENERAL KORNILOV.
 

 


3.  FROM THE MEMOIRS OF BORIS SAVINKOV, ASSISTANT MINISTER OF WAR

At Stavka [Headquarters] I found the Supreme Commander in a very excited state of mind, heaping reproaches on the Government and declaring that he had no more faith in it, the country was going to the dogs, that he could no longer work with Kerensky, etc. As soon as he had calmed down I informed him that his plans had been approved by Kerensky. At the same time I transmitted to him the request of the Minister-President for the dispatch to Petrograd of a cavalry corps to be placed at the disposal of the Provisional Government. I specified however, that he should not send the so-called "Savage" Division, nor entrust the command of the troops sent to General Krymov. I had the most unfavorable information regarding the counterrevolutionary tendencies of General Krymov.

On learning that the measures urged by him had been approved, Kornilov altered his tone, agreed to all my requests, and stated that he now thought it would be possible to work with the Government. I left Stavka on August 24. General Kornilov, who saw me off, bade me convey to Kerensky the expression of his satisfaction and the assurance of his perfect loyalty to the Government. I carried away the impression that an agreement between General Kornilov and Kerensky had been practically accomplished.  
 
Unfortunately, the situation changed radically between August 24 and 26.

While I was returning from Stavka to Petrograd, L'vov, the former Ober-Procurator of the Synod, was on his way from Petrograd to Stavka. Before leaving Petrograd he had solicited an interview on the general political situation with Kerensky, such as any politician might have. Arriving at Stavka on August 25, L'vov went to General Kornilov and informed him that he had been personally instructed by Kerensky to ask him to choose one of the three following alternatives, implying that it was impossible for Kerensky to continue to govern the state any longer:

    1. Kerensky to resign and General Kornilov to become head of the Government and form a new cabinet, of which Kerensky agreed to be a member.

    2. The whole Government to resign and hand over full power to General KorniIov, who would proclaim himself dictator until the Constituent Assembly met.

    3. The Government to resign and a directorate to be formed, the principal members of which would be Kerensky, General Kornilov, myself, and some others.

After thinking it over, General Kornilov chose the third alternative. L'vov left Stavka the same day, and on the following day called on Kerensky at the Winter Palace and informed him that he had been instructed by General Kornilov to demand that the whole civil and military power be handed over to the Supreme Commander, who would then form a new cabinet. In confirmation, L'vov handed Kerensky a historical document to this effect, written and signed by L'vov on behalf of the Supreme Commander. The document was in the nature of an ultimatum. Kerensky, stunned by this unexpected act, especially as I had assured him of the loyalty of General Kornilov, got into telephone communication with General Kornilov. Kerensky asked General Kornilov: "Do you subscribe to the words which L'vov has addressed to me on your behalf?" General Kornilov replied in the affirmative. Filonenko, to whom General Kornilov related his conversation with Kerensky, expressed his astonishment that the Supreme Commander should have thoughtlessly confirmed on the telephone a statement which had never even been read over to him. But it was too late. A fatal misunderstanding had already been created.

At once Kerensky relieved General Kornilov of his command, summoning him to Petrograd. General Kornilov replied (and here it is that the misunderstanding ends and the rebellion begins) that he did not consider himself relieved of his command, which he would continue to hold. He then ordered the arrest of the Commissar of the Provisional Government, Filonenko, and, at the same time, gave instructions to the "Savage" Division to march on Petrograd under the command of General Krymov.

4.  FROM THE MEMOIRS OF L'VOV

It was 10:00 in the evening when I entered Kornilov's office.  I greeted him and said:
 
"I come from Kerensky."

Kornilov's eyes sparkled with an evil glint.

"I have a proposal to make to you," I continued. "It is wrongly believed that Kerensky is anxious to stay in power. He is ready to resign if he is in your way. But the power must he legally transferred from hand to hand.  The power cannot be abandoned, but neither can it be seized. Kerensky has agreed to reorganize the Government so as to draw all elements of society into it. This is my proposal --an agreement with Kerensky."

Kornilov calmed down and replied:

"I have nothing against Kerensky. When he wanted to resign at the Moscow State Conference, I advised him against it. Then he asked me whether I would support him, and I promised him my support. But, then, Kerensky does not fight against the Bolsheviks. Days go by and he does nothing in this respect. This is wrong. If a Bolshe'vik uprising occurs in Petrograd, there will be an incredible mess. I was commander of the Petrograd forces and I know the mood of those men. Some of the regiments will support the Bolsheviks, others will be against it. In this mess the Provisional Government will perish. This must not happen. Some action must be taken to prevent this. I know Kerensky, and I know that one can reach an understanding with him. But Kerensky is hated and I cannot vouch for his life. Today Savinkov came here to complain to me about the Soviet. What can I do when I cannot get the Government to place under my command all the troops at the front and in the rear?  

I left, fully satisfied that Kornilov was in favor of an agreement.

 
5.  KERENSKY'S ACCOUNT OF HIS SECOND MEETING WITH L'VOV

The second time he came, I met him with the following words: "You have come again to talk about the inclusion of new elements in the. Provisional Government." (I am not certain about the actual words, but such was the meaning.)

He answered: "No, I have come to discuss a totally different subject; the situation has completely changed."  This time he made no mention whatsoever of the necessity to include new elements in the Provisional Government or of extending its range of support. He told me bluntly that he had come to warn me that my position was extremely precarious, that I was doomed; in the very near future there would be a Bolshevik rising, when the Government would receive no support; that no one would guarantee my life, etc. When he saw that all this made no impression upon, me and that I took it in a jocular way: "It can't be helped, such is fate," and so on, he abruptly broke off the conversation.

Then apparently much, excited, he added: "I must make you a formal offer."

"From whom?"  

"From Kornilov.

General Kornilov declared to me (Kerensky) through him (Lvov) that no assistance whatever would be given to the Provisional Government in its struggle with the Bolsheviks and that in particular Kornilov would not answer for my life anywhere but at Headquarters.

To this V. N. Lvov added that this last condition--that is to say, our going to Headquarters and the rest was put to me privately and was not to be disclosed at the session of the Provisional Government. . . .
 
I walked hastily up and down my large room, trying to understand, to feel, what was the real meaning of all this—Lvov's coming, and the rest of it.

Calming myself a little, I deliberately pretended that I had no longer any doubt or hesitation, and that personally I had decided to agree.

I began to explain to Lvov that I could not convey such a communication to the Provisional Government without proofs. He reassured me, saying that every word he had uttered was true. At last I asked him to put into writing all Kornilov's points. The readiness, the assurance, the quickness with which Lvov agreed and wrote down Kornilov's proposals gave me full confidence that Lvov was not only fully informed, but that he had no doubt as to the realization of the plan. Here is the text of the note Lvov wrote: General Kornilov proposes

(1) That martial law shall be proclaimed in Petrograd.

(2) That all military and civil authority shall be placed in the hands of the Generalissmo.

(3) That all Ministers, not excluding the Premier, shall resign, and that the temporary executive power shall be transferred to the Assistant Ministers till the formation of a Cabinet by the Generalissimo.

V. Lvov

Petrograd, August 26,1917.