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Debate about Stalin defines church history
COMMENTARY: DECANONIZATION OF STALIN
by Boris Kolymagin
Portal-credo.ru,
30 June 2009
The "anti-stalinist" interview of the new head of OVTsSMP, Archbishop
of Volokolamsk Ilarion, provoked an ambiguous reaction within the
"Orthodox community." Although, it would seem, the archbishop did not
open any kind of Americas. Was Stalin a "spiritual monster"? Did he
persecute believers? Did he unleash genocide of his own people? The
questions, it seems, are purely rhetorical. Of course, no Kremlin
occupant is guilty of the horrors of stalinism, but he bears personal
responsibility for the fractured fate of millions.
After "perestroika" many former communists came to the church, bringing
the spirit of this century into the churchyard, without overcoming
within themselves "Egyptian slavery." Until now they have feared the
truth. This also explains the hysteria of some Orthodox believers that
arose after the "scandalous" words of the archbishop, who,
incidentally, is especially close to and trusted by Patriarch Kirill.
But the church cannot, for the sake of the fears and illusions of these
believers, renounce the New Martyrs and their spiritual (including
ideological) heritage, because it is founded on their blood.
The trouble is elsewhere. We are reminded of this only occasionally. At
the time of, let's say, the visit by Patriarch of Moscow and all-Rus
Kirill to the Butovo Polygon. During ordinary life the memory of the
saints is almost nonexistent. Even in the places of their sufferings.
For example, relatively recently on Solovki Island during
reconstruction work graffiti of repressed persons sentenced to death
was destroyed.
"Anzer is lost in thought and Muksulma also
has lost its gaze in the Brusniche expanse.
You have left me from the earthly wilderness
And from the bitter feat for God's assembly"
These lines by an unknown hypodeacon on the death of Holy Prelate
Ilarion Troitsky for some reason suddenly resurface by association.
The problem of historical memory stands sharply before public
consciousness, but it stands yet more sharply within the church. It
seems the time for writing a new "GULAG Archipelago" has arrived. This
perhaps is a collective monograph. It is necessary to comprehend the
whole experience of the sacred, including the liturgical, behind the
fences and barbed wire in the twentieth century. At the same time it is
in a church context, without heed to which political forces may reap
benefit from such an open conversation. Nevertheless without the truth
the situation cannot be recovered. Also, without childlike simplicity.
Recently the writer of these lines encountered a curious note by the
commissioner of the Council for Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church
in Tambov. Reporting on the work he did, he complained against the Holy
Prelate Luka (Voino-Yasenetsky) and confessed that the diocesan
secretary spared the bureaucrat "from many unpleasant and difficult
conversation with Archbishop Luka if one considers his many
peculiarities and strangeness and occasional childlike naivete."
In that horrible time the bishop literally fulfilled the commandment
"Be like children." And simultaneously another commandment: "Do not be
like children in your head." Today we lack such a person in the supreme
church leadership.
Archbishop of Volokolamsk Ilarion's words were received so painfully,
perhaps, also because they were pronounced by a person who clearly does
not possess the "childlike naivete" of the Holy Prelate Luka. But
whatever may be, the church cannot follow the authorities into a narrow
corridor of the "sovietization" of the historical memory, and it is
simply vitally necessary for it to have its own space of understanding.
Especially in the context of the recent presidential order regarding
intensifying the struggle with the falsification of the history of the
fatherland. At first glance, this order has an external audience, the
countries of the Baltic and Ukraine, but actually it was directly
against the historical science of the fatherland. Many soviet
myths and mythology thereby receive a governmental infusion. However
the campaign against "falsifiers" may strike the church also. How, for
example, can one write about the Pskov Mission without fear of being
accused of "distortion" of the partisan struggle? How does one speak
about repressions and destruction of monuments of culture by soviet
forces (they thoughtlessly destroyed, for example, the bell tower of
the Joseph Volotski monastery) without fear of being accused of
denigrating the heroic past?
In this regard Patriarch Kirill's assessment of the Second World War
for Russia is important, of which in a certain sense Archbishop
Ilarion's interview was a continuation. Kirill declared before a large
audience the idea that the sacrifices borne during the Great Patriotic
War were a direct consequence of the apostasy from God of the Russian
people. This idea is literally not new and often was proclaimed in the
religious underground in the 70s. And it is not a shame that it did not
become an occasion for a broad debate in the Russian news media. It is
important that it clearly signified the divergence between church and
official historiographies.
These words of the primate of RPTsMP sent the authorities a signal that
the Moscow patriarchate will not go along with the Kremlin in
everything in historical discussions. The interview of the head of
OVTsMP simply confirmed this awareness. (tr. by PDS, posted 30
June 2009)
Russia
Religion News Current News Items
Debate in Russian church over Stalin
MISSION IN THE WORLD. "ANTISTALINIST" INTERVIEW OF ARCHBISHOP ILARION
by Konstantin Matsan, Nikolai Silaev
Ekspert Online, 15 June 2009
In the opinion of the head of the Department for External Church
Relations [OVTsS] of the Russian Orthodox church [RPTs], Archbishop of
Volokolamsk Ilarion, the church should become more open to society. An
example of openness has been personally given by Patriarch Kirill, but
his efforts alone are insufficient; work is needed in parishes.
--Bishop, already 100 days have passed since the enthronement of
Patriarch of Moscow and all-Rus Kirill. What has changed in this time
in relations between the church and society? Have any new trends
appeared?
--The man who ascended the throne of the Moscow patriarchate is one who
over the course of many years has been known as a missionary and
enlightener. For a long time already he has actively collaborated with
all spheres of civil society, he has had his own television broadcast,
and he has regularly spoken out in the print news media. Even before
his election to the patriarchal throne he was known and loved by
millions of believers of the Russian Orthodox church throughout the
world. He has earned authority in broad public circles. The unique
experience which Metropolitan Kirill gained in the years of his work in
the Department of External Church Relations and in close cooperation
with the late Patriarch Alexis II thoroughly prepared him for this new
role which he took on after election to the Moscow patriarchal throne.
But the main thing is that he is a person who is absolutely devoted to
the church; he does not have a personal agenda. He has laid all of his
capacities and talents at the feet of Christ, as the holy prelate
Gregory the Theologian expressed it.
Patriarch Kirill's enthronement gave a new impulse to the whole complex
of relationships between the church and the external world.
Patriarch Kirill has very firmly and clearly placed tasks before his
closest aides, bishops, clergy, and the whole church. At the same time
he is a church leader not only by virtue of his position but also by
the force of his personality. He is capable of inspiring people and
mobilizing them for more active evangelistic and educational activity.
--In your view, what is the essence of the changes that the patriarch
has introduced?
--Our problem consists in that we lack, as in the past, bridges
connecting Orthodox parishes with the external world.
After all, what happens with a person who, moved by curiosity, inner
dissatisfaction, or search for the truth, comes to an Orthodox church
for the first time? At best, nobody bothers him there. He is given the
opportunity to stand in the service and to look all around. He is not
likely immediately to grasp the essence of what is happening. However,
touched by God's grace and the atmosphere of the church perhaps he
feels something. And he will come back. And then again. Then he begins
to search books. And so gradually, by means of self-education, he will
enter into the life of the church. This path is very long and complex.
A person has to independently overcome a multitude of barriers
separating him from the church world. Barriers are psychological,
cultural, and linguistic.
In the worst of cases the person who comes in off the street into the
church is confronted with downright rudeness. A babushka standing at
the candle booth curses him. She criticizes him for not crossing
himself in the right way, or standing in the wrong place, or for the
way he is dressed. And after dropping into the church two or three
times the person loses all desire to return.
We must break up this mechanism of alienating a person from the church
or of the indifferent expectation that he will come to church and
overcome himself all the barriers. We must create such a system that
would help unchurched people to gradually enter into church life. And
the efforts of priests alone are insufficient for this. We need active
laity. Our task is to mobilize laity for active missionary and
enlightenment activity. I do not have in mind that such activity is not
being done at all. Of course it exists. There is a multitude of
people who are working in this sphere and they are helping the priests
and bringing people to God. But a completely different scale is needed.
--Hasn't there now arisen a disconnect between the rhetoric of the
patriarch and the actual activity of parish priests?
--A great deal depends on the personality of a priest and the ruling
bishop. If the missionary impulse issuing from the patriarch is not
taken up in the proper form, if laity and clergy proceed from the
thesis that we "testify to the truth of Orthodox by the very fact of
our existence," then I think the task of drawing new people into the
church will not be fulfilled. This thesis usually is advanced in
rebuttal to protestant and sectarian preachers. Actually, we do not go
about apartments and we do not urgently invite people to church, that
is, we do not use aggressive and pressure methods of evangelism. But
that does not mean that we should simply sit and wait with folded arms
until people come to us by themselves. If after the resurrection of
Christ the apostles had sat on Zion's hill and thought that they "were
being witnesses for Christ by the very fact of their existence," I am
afraid that Christianity would have died in the first generation. But
the Savior's disciples went into the world and this determined the
universal triumph of Christianity over the world.
--Are the recent meetings of the patriarch with youth an attempt to
demonstrate new ways of developing the relationships between the church
and society?
--The patriarch is setting an example for the whole church. But one
person is not sufficient for conducting the truly titanic work that is
necessary for a genuine churching of society. It is very important that
the missionary imperative be felt and embraced at other levels, at the
level of bishops, clergy, laity, and monastics. The patriarch's call to
an active, vital position, to active proclamation of Christ and
Christian moral values must inspire all members of the church.
--Today there exists a multitude of youth movements which parade along
the streets with placards and call for, let's say, "striking down
homosexuals." The participants of such actions project themselves as
Orthodox. This isn't the kind of "active laity" that the church needs,
is it?
--No. Active does not mean aggressive. That person is active for whom
faith in Christ occupies first place and who all his life strives on
the basis of Christian values. An active layperson is inspired by the
religious ideal not only within the walls of the church but also in
ordinary life and he strives to conduct it in accordance with the law
of the gospel. And he doesn't have to be an evangelist in a purely
technical sense of going somewhere and preaching something. He must
first of all witness to Christ by his form of life, by his behavior, by
his good deeds. "Let your light so shine before people so that they see
your good deeds and glorify your father who is in heaven,"Ñthese words
of Christ were addressed to all Christians who are called to be salt of
the earth and light of the world.
An aggressive position is completely inappropriate for the church. We
must fight with sin in all of its manifestations, but first of all
within ourselves and only in a secondary way in the people who surround
us. Fighting with sin in others, of course, is much easier than within
ourselves. Our neighbors and all the people around us we should and can
help, but primarily by our personal example and by our form of life.
The church very clearly says that sin is sin. The church denies that
sin should be accepted as a norm. But we must not be hostile in
relations with people who are leading a sinful form of life. Because
sin from a Christian point of view is a disease. And it is necessary to
relate to such people as to a sick person, that is, to show him
sympathy and tolerance. Fight with sin but sympathize with the sinner.
Sympathy does not consist in saying to the sick person that he is
healthy and does not need healing nor in not prescribing medicine for
him. On the contrary, sympathy consists directly in naming the disease
with its proper name and making a correct diagnosis and providing
medical help. And this is the mission of the church. John Chrysostom
spoke of the church as a spiritual hospital. One goes to the church for
healing. Our task is to heal the spiritual ills of the individual and
society. And to do this does not require aggressive means.
--How do you plan to develop the system of church education? For on one
hand, it is the way of preparing priests who are capable of conducting
more active work with the world, but on the other hand, secular and
religious education have little in common on the professional level.
--In the church there is going on a real debate about whether it is
necessary to accredit the ecclesiastical schools, that is, to make it
so that their diplomas are recognized by the state. Opponents of
accreditation advance the following argument: if our diplomas are
recognized by the state then our seminarians will not become priests
but will get their education and then depart into the world. I would
give this answer to that: if a person does not want to become a priest,
then he won't, regardless of whether his diploma is recognized or not.
But if a person has received a religious education, let's say, at St.
Tikhon Orthodox Humanities Institute, and he does not become a priest
but an active layman, for example, a governmental minister or cultural
figure, then what's wrong with that? The church should enlighten the
whole world. And the task of church education is to educate and mold
these people who would become salt of the earth. In the parishes. In
administrative offices. These are the people who should occupy the most
diverse spheres of public life. They should have the most diverse
professions. They should be missionaries in accordance with the
apostles' example.
Because of this debate, the resolution of the problem of accreditation
of church schools has been, in essence, put on the back burner for
several years. Only now, with the accession of the new patriarch, this
work has begun in full force and, I hope, will be successfully
concluded.
I am convinced that we must expand the boundaries of church education
and not be afraid that the people whom we educate will not become
priests, will not serve at the altar, but will, for example, as secular
specialists with a good religious education, serve the church in their
own way in their field. These people will become, if you will, our
"agents of influence" in the world and they will help to bring
Christian moral values at those levels of society which, perhaps, are
not touched by direct preaching and mission of clergy.
--How do you assess the relations between the church and the state in
the prerevolutionary years? Today it is common to be nostalgic about
those times and to view them as a kind of ideal.
--If everything had been good in the prerevolutionary church, then
there would not have been the massive departure from it in the
revolutionary and postrevolutionary period. Perhaps there would not
have been a revolution itself. It seems to me that the causes of the
spiritual crisis that led to the revolution are very well disclosed in
his memoirs by Archpresbyter Georgy Shavelsky. He was the head of the
military chaplaincy, was close to the imperial family, and personally
conversed with the sovereign. And he knew the church extremely well at
all levels. His memoirs constitute, in essence, a collection of facts.
He shows the great degree of spiritual decomposition that existed in
both the church and the Russian state. He shows the enormous
distance that separated the imperial family and the people, despite the
ardent love that members of the tsarist family had for the people and
the desire to be close to them and to understand them. He shows the
chasm that existed between the church and its upper leadership, on one
hand, and the real world, on the other. It seems that there was much
that was positive in the prerevolutionary position of the church in the
state. But to try to recreate the prerevolutionary situation now is not
necessary in any case. We should create a new model of church-state
relations, which would exclude those negative phenomena in church and
public life that led to the revolution.
--Today the liberal part of society says that the state has become
ecclesiastical and leans toward Orthodoxy as almost the state religion.
Doesn't it show a different tendency when the Orthodox church snuggles
up to the state? Do you see here a danger from the point of view of the
ability of the church to exist independently and not depend on politics?
--In my view, nobody is now inclined in that direction. Neither the
church toward the state nor the state toward the church. There is
separation of church from state which is discernable at both the
juridical and the political level. The state does not interfere in the
internal life of the church. And the church does not participate in the
political struggle and does not show support for one or another party.
The church is open to interaction with all. Any political figureÑin
office or in oppositionÑmay be a member of the church.
I do not think that the state is risking becoming clericalized, nor the
church, a state church. But at the same time it is necessary to take
into account the fact that the popular phrase "multiconfessional
state," which often is applied to Russia, does not take into account
the obvious reality that a majority of Russians belong to the Russian
Orthodox church, even if they do not attend church regularly. Around 80
percent of citizens of Russia identify themselves with the Orthodox
church. And that means the Russian church is the religion of the
majority. At the same time, we have millions of people who belong to
other confessions or do not profess any faith. We should respect
everybody and be cordial to all. We should create a unified cultural
space. But it is impossible to forget that it is the Orthodox church
that, over the course of centuries, exerted the decisive influence on
the formation of the spiritual pattern of Russia and the Russian people.
--But it cannot be denied that the church has certain firm ties with
the state.
--The church and state have very many common tasks, connected primarily
with the spiritual and material welfare of our citizens. There are
tasks which cannot be solved in isolation. For example, the demographic
problem. It is impossible to solve it only by way of material resources
or social rhetoric on television. This requires the joint efforts of
state and church. At the same time, when I am talking about the church
I am also talking about the cooperation of the church with traditional
religious confessions. In this regard representatives of the
traditional religious confessions have views that, as a rule, are very
similar and at times identical.
--A recent statement of Patriarch Kirill devoted to the victory in the
Great Fatherland War evoked a rather sharp criticism, including from
people in circles near the government. The patriarch was criticized for
assessing the victory as a miracle, while the hardships of the war were
a recompense for apostasy from God. The patriarch was criticized also
for not sufficiently assessing the role of Stalin and the Bolsheviks.
To what degree are you prepared to refute such criticism?
--I am ready to refute it and, even more, I am ready to provoke a wave
of criticism against me when I express my personal opinion about
Stalin. I think that Stalin was a monster, a spiritual freak, who
created a horrible, antihuman system of administration of the country,
built upon lies, violence, and terror. He unleashed genocide against
the people of his own country and he bears personal responsibility for
the death of millions of innocent people. In this regard we fully
equate Stalin with Hitler. Both of them brought into this world so much
grief that no amount of military or political successes can redeem
their guilt before humanity. There is no essential difference between
the Butov Polygon and Buchenwald, or between the GULAG and Hitler's
system of death camps. And the number of victims of Stalinist
repressions is fully equal to our losses in the Great Patriotic War.
The victory in the Great Patriotic War was really a miracle, because
before the war Stalin had done everything he could to destroy the
country. He annihilated the entire upper leadership of the army and as
a result of massive repressions he led a once mighty country to the
brink of extinction. In 1937, when the census of the population was
taken, the country was short tens of millions of people. Where had
these millions gone? Stalin destroyed them. The country entered the war
almost lifeless. But, despite all of the monstrous repressions, the
people displayed unprecedented heroism. How can this be called anything
but a miracle! The victory in the war was the victory of the people.
The people who showed the mightiest will to resist. The miracle of
victory in the war was the great manifestation of the strength of the
spirit of our people, that neither Stalin nor Hitler were able to
break. (tr. by PDS, posted 28 June 2009)
Russian original posted on
Portal-credo.ru,
26 June 2009
INTERVIEW OF ARCHBISHOP ILARION WITH "EKSPERT" JOURNAL: PRIVATE
OPINION OR NEW POLTICAL CREED?
by Andrei Rogoziansky
Russkaia liniia, 25
June 2009
--Andrei Bronislavovich, what do you say about the recent statement in
the magazine "Ekspert" by the head of the Department of External Church
Relations, Archbishop Ilarion Alfeev and, in particular, about his
historical assessment of the personality of Stalin?
--I think that it is a rather significant statement. Until now the
church has restrained itself from strong assessments of this history of
our fatherland in the twentieth century. And that is not because such
topics are forbidden.
--Why?
--In Russia much has been said and written about the Stalinist
period. "The truth about repressions," which would have been
unknown or sensational, or which would give a new word and somehow give
a new twist to soviet historyÑas far as I know, it just does not exist.
Or virtually doesn't. Let historians correct me if that is not
so. So far the church has tried to restrain itself, being more
sensitive in comparison with others. It hasn't shot down the soviet
past in order to find favor conventionally in Russia.
--Then what is the sensation of the interview?
--Of all the things that Fr Ilarion could have talked about he chose
Stalin and his tone was categorical
--In other words, the statement claims to be programmatic.
--Yes, possibly.
--What has changed and what do you think brought about Fr Ilarion's
desire "to shoot"?
--Within the hierarchy there has blossomed a greater desire to play a
role in politics. And to operate from within. So it is time to
theorize. We saw this recently when one of the ideologues of the
Communist Party of the Russian Federation, E. Ligachev, sent an open
letter to the patriarch. Some would like to set the Russian Orthodox
church in opposition to the authorities and others to stand by the
authorities. The political situation has intensified and will
intensify. So that it is all very understandable. In recent years many
programmatic documents have been written, good ones, conceptual ones,
beginning with the Foundation of a Social Doctrine of RPTs and the
like. The problem is that they exist somewhat outside of the actual
practice of Russian politics. Many things, the theoretical propositions
of these documents can be interpreted, as desired, in favor of some as
well as in favor of others. The conversation is about an ideal,
improved Russia, but it is not clearly stated who is to blame and what
is to be done. Now, thanks to Master Ilarion, this has been clarified
for us. At least, who is to be blamed, has been clarified.
--Should the church clarify its position?
--Yes. The time has come, and more direct statement are expected of the
hierarchy of RPTs regarding who it is with. It is time to burn bridges
with some and to function more closely with others. The ideological
messages within the church are diverse. For example there functions a
body like the World Russian Sobor. At one of the last meetings of the
sobor there was adopted, with the cooperation of the present patriarch,
a document like the "Russian Doctrine." Which was interpreted by some
politicians as chauvinistic. Naturally they were upset on this account.
--And for you, if it is not a secret, how do you regard Stalin?
--I consider him to be the personification of his difficult times. That
does not justify him. Among my relatives on my mother's side, everyone
was repressed. The demons of violence reaped an abundant harvest in
those years. It is important to understand that there was no other
sovereign state in this specific historic period. Or, like the Russian
bourgeois republic in 1917, it would have been monumentally crushed.
Totalitarianism was the social historical form for the first half of
the twentieth century and a bit later, and not only in USSR and Nazi
Germany. Society of all the large countries of the world existed in a
totalitarian format, including USA, England, Japan, etc. The others
were colonies or were occupied.
Read the history of prewar United StatesÑeverything, what you will,
from semiprisoner coerced labor to industrial coupons and prohibition.
Raids, purges. Millions disappeared without a word. One simply prefers
not to recall.
--Do you want to say that Stalin was not the key.
--Yes, just so. And therefore Archbishop Ilarion's statement, which was
on the whole structured personally against Stalin seems somewhat
strange. As if the bishop had the goal of gaining the advantage and not
analyzing the topic. What is this, literally, "he created an antihuman
system"? Or, "he unleashed genocide"? This is simply reductionism, if
one talks about the methodology of historical investigation. It is
necessary to view the conditions. What was required in government
administration and society then was a completely determined human form.
So if there appeared at the apex of the pyramid, instead of Stalin,
Kirov, or Trotsky, or Kamenev, or somebody elseÑthe differences in the
scale of violence would have been limited. As they say, people with
"vegetarian tastes" did not survive in this system. The mood of the
time as a whole was not vegetarian. And when it came to this that this
was the mood of the majority and it had to become a subject of
criticism.
--Some think that without Stalin it would have been worse.
--One cannot say anything for certain about this. In leadership in the
years of war Stalin showed himself strong. By the end of the war the
soviet command was simply exemplary. While, for example, the Germans or
English had historically possessed more worthy military personnel and
schools. It would be unthinkable to deny such facts since they have
been officially acknowledged by others.
--Archbishop Ilarion says it was a "miracle."
--One does not rule out the other. Yes, it was a miracle. Of course, a
miracle. Victory in the Great Fatherland War was a miracle. Fr Ilarion
has spoken correctly. Zhukov was a miracle. Rokossovsky was also a
miracle. Military technology and weaponry, the best in the world, built
under the most difficult of conditions, at the same time as the attack
of the German forcesÑagainst, a miracle. And the chief miracle is that
the Lord God did not turn away from the "soviets." That for us still
remains a kind of enormous event. What I am not sure about is who of
the historians will turn out to have spoken correctly.
--How do you think one should approach a description of a most complex
epoch so as not to engage in excess?
--Someone takes account of the evil deeds of Stalin; someone else
points to the good that he did. This does not mean anything since
Stalin has already played his role. In my view it is necessary to leave
Stalin and deal with why and from whence there are antihuman tendencies
that grow up and flourish in society. Some of these produce many things
in the world, including totalitarian tyrannies. If we quit picking on
Stalin, who is a very convenient evildoer for many to describe, then it
will surely turn out that our society and we ourselves today have given
rise to similar trends. That is, let's say, under Stalin it was
considered that an individual was the dirt and materials for state
construction, although abortions were considered an immoral phenomenon.
Or abandonment of orphans was considered immoral. Now Stalin and
repressions are viewed as criminal, although to perform an abortion or
to abandon an orphan is justified by public opinion. What has changed
in essence? Have things become better or worse? . . . (tr. by
PDS, posted 28 June 2009)
ANTISTALINIST MYTHOLOGY AGAINST REALITY
By Alexander Eliseev
Russkii obozrevatel, 19 June 2009
In his extremely polemical interview the head of OVTsS, Archbishop of
Volokolamsk Ilarion repeated the old liberal-perestroika scenario
according to which the "good" nation triumphed despite the "bad"
Stalin. However such an approach is devoid of logic.
Stalin stood at the head of a rigidly centralized, mobilized state. All
the threads of administration came to his hands and therefore it is
possible and necessary to name Stalin the creator of the Great Triumph
with every good reason. And this attempt to present Stalin as a great
evildoer leads to the question: "And why was it necessary to
fight for this monster?" In this way many persons have reached the
justification of the Vlasov phenomenon.
At the same time another question can reasonably arise: "What
kind of nation is this that tolerated such a horrible leader? Why did
the nation that was capable of defeating Hitler not want to throw off
Stalin?"
And here is yet another liberal myth repeated by the archbishop:
"The victory in the Great Patriotic War was really a miracle, because
before the war Stalin had done everything he could to destroy the
country. He annihilated the entire upper leadership of the army and as
a result of massive repressions he led a once mighty country to the
brink of extinction."
The question arises: what kind of miraculous leadership was it that was
annihilated by the "evildoer" Stalin? It couldn't be a Tukhachevsky,
could it, who attacked Tambov peasants with gas but suspiciously lost
the Polish campaign? Or perhaps we are talking about Yakir, who was one
of the chief organizers of "decossackization" in the time of the civil
war? All of these "heroes of the civil war" were capable only of
intrigueÑin a contest for power.
There exists an enormous number of direct proofs pointing to the
existence of a military conspiracy against Stalin. (The majority of
them have been collected and summarized by the very interesting
investigation of A. Kolpakida and E. Prudnikov "The dual conspiracy.
Stalin and Hitler. Failed putsches") Here are the most basic.
Already long before 1937 there were several intelligence reports (along
the line of OGPU-NKVD and GPU) telling about Tukhachevsky's conspiracy.
According to French Prime Minister Daladier, People's Commissar for
Foreign Affairs Litvinov told Stalin about the conspiracy. This also is
stated in a secret letter to Czech President E. Benes from his
ambassador to Berlin, Mastna. The same information is contained in a
letter of the French ambassador to Moscow, Coulondre, to his Berlin
colleague. The deserter Orlov after the war also confirmed that the
conspiracy of Tukhachevsky against Stalin really took place.
But what is especially interesting, in my view, is the evidence of the
director of political intelligence of the Reich, V. Shellenberg, who
reported about secret (from the political leadership) contacts of
soviet and German military figures.
Stalin was able to win in this struggle by the "party" of Tukhachevsky,
from which came the repression of the military figures. But removing
such people from leadership meant not weakening the army but precisely
strengthening it. It was by establishing full control over the Workers'
and Peasants' Red Army that Stalin was able to make it completely
professional (before 1939 there had existed the so-called "territorial
police system").
In respect to personnel we had in 1941 an army that was better than
that which existed before 1937. And it was created in 1939-1941 by
Stalin, taking advantage of the breathing space provided to him by the
soviet-German rapprochement.
In those same years he transferred the army to a cadre basis, creating
the system of "armies of protection" (186 divisions, of which 16
represented division of the second strategic echelon). It was in their
zone that Hitler had to abandon his rapid attack and was force to
reject his idea of lightning war (blitzkrieg) on which he had
constructed all of his strategy.
In addition, in the two prewar years Stalin strengthened the industrial
base of the interior regions of the country. Between the Volga and the
Urals he created the petroleum base, "New Baku." In Siberia and in the
Urals were erected the duplicate factories permitting the production of
vehicular, chemical, and petroleum industry. He expanded the
Magnitogorsk metallurgical combine and completed construction of the
Nizhnetagil metallurgical factory.
But two years were too little. Several more years were needed in order
to get the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army into shape.
Well, finally, about the scale of the repressions. The archbishop
maintains: "And the number of victims of Stalinist repressions is fully
equal to our losses in the Great Patriotic War." Again, this
exaggeration is completely in the spirit of liberal-perestroika
propaganda. Historians have long ago established the precise number of
repressed persons.
Here is the basic document, a memorandum presented to Khrushchev on 1
February 18954. It was signed by the Procurator General R. Rudenko,
Minister of Internal Affairs S. Kruglov, and Minister of Justice K.
Gorwhenin. "The document says that according to data existing in the
MVD of USSR, in the period from 1921 to the present, that is, to the
beginning of 1954, for counterrevolutionary crimes 3,777,380 persons
were convicted by the College of OGPU and troikas of NKVD, special
conference, Military Colleges, courts, and military tribunals, of whom
642,980 received the supreme penalty, 2,369,220 were confined in camps
and prisons for terms of 25 years or less, and 765.180 were exiled or
deported. It indicates that of the total number of persons arrested for
counterrevolutionary crimes roughly 2.9 million persons were convicted
by the College of OGPU, troikas of NKVD, and special conference (i.e.
extra-judicial organs), 877 thousand were convicted by courts, military
tribunals, special colleges and the Military College. At the present
time, the memorandum says, 467,946 persons were incarcerated in camps
and prisons, convicted of counterrevolutionary crimes, and besides this
there were in exile after serving sentences for counterrevolutionary
crimes 62,462 persons, sent there by order of MGB and the Procurator of
USSR." (V. Zemskov. "Political repressions in USSR.")
Many patriots who occupy antistalinist positions should seriously
reconsider before repeating hackneyed phrases engendered in the period
of perestroika in pro-western circles. Isn't it strange that such
patriots often are aligned with those who love to shout about the
"threat of Russian fascism"? (tr. by PDS, posted 29 June 2009)
Russian original posted on
Portal-credo.ru
site, 26 June 2009
PSEUDOPATRIOTIC IDEOLOGY CREATING SYMPATHY FOR STALIN HAS BECOME
DOMINANT IN THE CHURCH
Portal-credo.ru,
29 June 2009
Opponents of the chairman of OVTsSMP, Archbishop of Volokolamsk
Ilarion, who sharply condemned in his interview with the journal
"Ekspert" the soviet dictator Stalin, comparing him with Hitler, "wish
to reject the biblical proposition that God really rules the world."
That opinion was expressed in his blog by the famous evangelist of
RPTsMP, the director of the St. John of Kronstadt Soul Clinic
Center and of the church of St. Daniil in Kantemirov in Moscow, which
is under construction, Fr. Daniil Sysoev, a correspondent of
Portal-credo.ru reports.
The activist in the missionary movement, who is famous for his
anti-Muslim and anti-Old Believer attacks, decided to participate in
this way in the debate over the attitude of RPTsMP toward Josef Stalin,
for whom veneration has been expanding recently in church circles.
Fr Daniil thinks that supporters of Stalin who call themselves Orthodox
deprive the Great Patriotic War of its "moral and spiritual contents,"
and "instead of understanding what God was punishing residents of USSR
for," prefer to "cast off reason and blindly take confidence in
irrational patriotic ecstasy." The result of such an approach, the
priest thinks, will become a spiritual indiscriminateness of Russian
people in the time of the "next war," when "Russian people will not be
able to discern in it the hand of God."
At the same time, Fr Daniil Sysoev recognizes that the quasi-patriotic
ideology of the stalinists "has become dominant even in the church,
among those who have been captured, as in ancient Israel, by allegiance
to the kingdom of this world instead of to the kingdom of heaven."
The evangelist recalls that "our ancestors did not consider it
antipatriotic to recognize that 'it was for our sins that God sent the
Tatars to Rus.'" At the same time Fr Daniil thinks that ancient Russian
Christians were not patriots. "They nevertheless strove for heaven and
thus were able to view their fate not from the point of view of
political expediency but with the eyes of God." (tr. by PDS, posted 29
June 2009)
OPEN LETTER FROM DOCTOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE V.B. PAVLENKO TO
ARCHBISHOP ILARION
Your Eminence
I cannot help but express my position, as a parishioner and citizen,
regarding your interview and the evaluations of the activity of J.V.
Stalin expressed in it.
Your opinion is your personal point of view. It can be whatever you
like. But speaking with the authority of a church person representing
the upper hierarchy, you do not have the right to speak out so hastily
as you have.
Meanwhile, your statements about Stalin are not simply outrageous and
tactless. They are discrediting and provocational.
According to the evil irony of fate, it is not Stalin who has been
subjected to discrediting; his authority is enormous even today. And it
is not even you personally who is discredited as a person who has
permitted himself to arrogantly ignore the opinion and feelings of
fellow countrymen who include Stalin within the threesome of leading
historic figures of Russia throughout all of its history. And a person
who has used for public abuse and insult of a leader the worst, vulgar
expressions that are not fitting for a church hierarch but for atheists
on television who deliver information about Stalin from their own
family account as some kind of "historic revelation."
What has been discredited by your presumptuous and ill-considered act,
unfortunately, is the thousand-year authority of the Russian Orthodox
church, which you, your eminence, have betrayed in favor of the current
(as it seems to you) political environment.
I do not have the right not to emphasize especially that you have
desecrated the memory of Stalin not at just any time but on the eve of
the nationwide memorial of the victims of the Great Patriotic War and
also the Sunday of All Souls Resplendent in the Russian Land. And also
on your name-day, against the background of the greetings sent to you
for the occasion by His Holiness Patriarch of Moscow and all-Rus
Kirill, wishing you, besides all the rest, more WISDOM.
Who gave you, an Orthodox hierarch, the right to spit on the history of
our fatherland, to belittle and tread underfoot those who consider
Stalin a distinguished state and historical figure, who did a great
deal, inter alia, for the restoration of the authority of traditional
values? Who was occupied from the middle of the 1930s with the
liquidation of the Communist Academy, the introduction of the honorary
title of "hero of the Soviet Union," and finally the liquidation of the
so-called "Leninist Guard," etc.
Or do you, your eminence, prefer Trotsky, with his ideas of the
universal "conflagration" of world revolution, which Russia was
supposed to stoke with an armload of firewood and which was rescued
from such a fate by the Stalin whom you reviled? If not, then why did
you extol the Trotskyite marshals led by Tukhachevsky, who incidentally
in his time betrayed the Russian tsar because he did not receive the
medal of St. George?
Do you not know about the contacts of Trotsky with Hess, about his
instructions to Radek, the sense of which was the preparation of the
breakup of our country in favor of Germany, Japan, and other states in
exchange for the aid of Hitlerites in the overthrow of the stalinist
regime? Such ignorance is impermissible in a clergyman of your rank!
What's more, it is inexcusable, the intentional silence about and
ignoring of definitive historic facts and their distortion and the use
of a "double standard," which is more appropriate not to Orthodoxy but
to other, primarily secular, cults and traditions.
For you, Master, are the ideas of Academician Sakharov dearer than the
heritage of Acting Patriarch Metropolitan Sergius, Patriarch Alexis II,
and other bishops, whose service to Russia, its history, and the church
is incomparably greater than yours?
I cannot help but pose the question for you that served as the
leitmotif of a famous historic speech: "Is this stupidity or
treason?"
But perhaps this was a political order from certain forces who today
are applauding by all means your invectives?
Incidentally, the opposition between the people and the government that
you adopted is a favorite approach of globalists of any type. And the
historic parallels, like "transformation of the imperialist war into a
civil war," suggest themselves here.
It is symptomatic: like Khrushchev, who started with the struggle
against the "cult of personality" and then turned his intellectual
efforts to a revision of the stalinist heritage in the relations
between the state and the church, you blithely segued into a criticism
of the Great Martyr Tsar Nicholas Alexandrovich. Give an account of
yourself, Master: are many believers prepared to agree with the point
of view expressed by you concerning the "enormous distance separating
the tsarist house and the people" and about the "impossibility of
recreating the prerevolutionary situation"? Can a modern priest,
who is well acquainted with where the opportunist supporters of the
Provisional Government led the Russian Orthodox church, not be a
monarchist?
So the topic of Stalin in the history of our fatherland amazingly is
interlocked with the topic of monarchy, from the positions of both
historic retrospective and, I am sure, prognosis.
Your eminence!
Ilarions come and go. What remains are faith, the church, the Russian
people, and Russia, our fatherland. Orthodox traditions have survived
and outlived a lot. Even the sin of iconoclasm.
And we shall survive this also.
(tr. by PDS, posted 29 June 2009)
Russian original posted on
Portal-credo.ru
site, 25 June 2009
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