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INTERVIEW WITH THE MOST HOLY PATRIARCH ALEXIS II OF MOSCOW AND ALL-RUS
Trud
17 February 1999

--Your holiness!  On the eve of your birthday you surely are reflecting upon the past and what you have gone through.  What played the decisive role in your choice of ecclesiastical ministry?  Whose spiritual influence or what circumstances had a determinative role in your life?

--First, I would like to commemorate my parents, who raised me in a profoundly church spirit.  The fortune of my father, who decided during difficult years to become a priest and to remain true to his calling in an even more difficult period, to a great extent also determined  the choice I made for my life.

A pilgrimage to Valaam, which my parents made with me in 1938-1939,  left an indelible impression, shortly before the war began and the monastery ceased to exist.  I was influenced greatly by my contact  and correspondence with the spiritual elders of Valaam, especially the leader of the monastery, the monk Yuvenaly.   I had the good fortune to become  a spiritual protege of Archpriest Ioann Bogoiavlensky, who subsequently became Bishop Isidor.  This outstanding pastor had enormous spiritual and life experience. He taught me the "law of God" in grade school and I was an acolyte for him in the church, and later when he became a bishop I assisted him as a sub-deacon.  Fr Alexander Kiselev left a mark on my soul; he later spent long years in emigration but we later were reunited.  He is the only priest still living from my childhood and adolescence.  The churches of Tallinn, Valaam, the caves monastery of Pskov, and the monastery of the Dormition trained me in love for the liturgy, prayers, the church's culture, and monastic service.  As I matured I never imagined myself outside of the church or its structures.

When I enrolled in the Leningrad Ecclesiastical Seminary, and subsequently in the academy, I gained many pastors and professors, whom the Lord brought back from the camps and exile in order to bestow knowledge upon the young generation of priests.  The power of their faith, devotion to the church, and ardent zeal became the force that determined my personality.

--You began your patriarchal reign in 1990, which was a time of enormous change in the life of Russian society, which meant specifically that the Russian church gained freedom of proclamation. How would you sum up and evaluate these years of the church's activity?

--These years became a time of such enormous regeneration of church life which, at the time of my ascent to the patriarchal throne, nobody could have imagined.   It truly was a divine miracle that among those people, who had been forcibly driven from the faith for seventy years, there soon broke forth spiritual forces that had been preserved "under glass," which nobody could resist. This is where I perceive--in the spiritual thirst of the people who have been  yearning for God--the basis for the current renaissance of the church.  At the present time thousands of churches and monasteries are being restored or built, and a network of Orthodox education has emerged, while ecclesiastical schools have multiplied and the publishing activity of the church, at the center as well as in the provinces, has flourished.   For the first time we are addressing through the mass media--radio, television, Internet, audio, and video--people who are spiritually hungry.

I hope that this renaissance not only will continue but also will acquire a more profound character.  It is no secret:  many people have come to the church because of superficial interests and a desire to alleviate the burden of life's problems, rather than as a result of a thirst for real internal change.  This is why now we must devote more attention to the spiritual education of our parishioners and to evangelistic work among those who consider themselves Orthodox for historic and cultural reasons, but for one reason or another still are far from genuine churchliness.

I also would like to say, not without satisfaction, that in recent years, when the state structure changed radically and society has been divided often on political, national, and cultural lines, the church has preserved its unity.  Indeed, in some countries of the former Union a minority of Orthodox believers under pressure from nationalist politicians has followed various kinds of schismatics.  But the major schism toward which sometimes people have actively pushed us has not happened.  In this I view the mercy of God and evidence of the courage of believing people.

--At the same time there are serious problems in church life.  What are they and how can they be resolved?

--Of course, the church was affected extremely negatively by the recent regular economic crisis.  Contributions of philanthropists have fallen to a minimum, and local authorities, which last year were helping to restore churches and monasteries, now are no longer able to do this.  However, the development of church life is continuing even against the background of an almost total absence of means, and I thank our bishops, pastors, and laity for their sincere meritorious labors.

Another difficulty that can be named is the absence of the requisite number of people who have both the experience of church life and education, both theological and secular.  After all this now is especially necessary, particularly if one has in view that both the majority of priests and other responsible church workers must combine liturgical, educational, and evangelistic activity with the solution of a multitude of practical problems connected with the construction and restoration of church buildings and the provision for the financial life of monasteries and parishes.  Indeed, now a majority of clerical vacancies which opened up after the revival of thousands of Orthodox parishes have been filled.  But still we must recognize the inadequate level of preparation of the pastors and church ministers,  Frequent cases of lack of culture, and many defects that entered the national way of life during the years of unbelief.  I hope that in time the system of theological education and the preparation of candidates for the priesthood, as well as of other church workers, will be able responsibly and strictly to meet the needs of all people who wish to devote their lives to the church.

--How would you evaluate the priority of the most acute problems which our society must resolve with the active participation of the church?

--The main concern is the spiritual and moral poverty of the individual.  This is where I see the cause of all current disorders in politics, economics, and interpersonal relationships. The philosophical confusion and moral nihilism or relativism do not permit a renewal of the life of society on foundations of truth and goodness.  As a result crime and corruption have flourished grotesquely, while society has become inured to them and some even consider them to be a kind of norm.  From TV screens and pages of newspapers and magazines there is flowing the propaganda of permissiveness which is especially undermining to souls of the young generation.  As in the past, the level of interethnic conflict is rising.  Violence, extreme ambition, and disregard for common folk have become common among politicians, publicists, and the intelligentsia.

If we travel down this road we can become a country without a future.  In order to avoid this, we all--government, people, church, and other religions--must make moral conduct the only conduct that is acceptable and respected in society and cultivate morality in children and youth, from their earliest years.  The schools and universities, science, culture, law enforcement agencies, and the various mechanisms of civil society must unite their efforts for the sake of the moral salvation of the people.  The church is ready to help in this matter everybody who turns to it for support.

Against the background of the sad events of our everyday live, I still wish to share my sense of a great and cordial warmth since I see nevertheless in the nation a great number of people who have shining souls and pure spirits, who endure their financial difficulties with a confidence that good will triumph.  Obviously they are of less interest to the media, image makers, and political careerists, but it is only due to them that society continues to exist.  I pray God for justice with regard to them.

--I would like to know, your holiness, what is your opinion about the social situation in the country and the public service of the church, which in our critical times is pretty much the last hope for many Russians who are in desperate circumstances.

--The situation remains extremely grave despite the presence in the government of people who are trying responsibly and honesty to do their public and humanitarian duty. But injustice and inequality have reached an extreme point--many people are not receiving timely salaries and when they do receive them they are devalued. For others, hard work receives only modest reward.  As a result of recent events, even those who once had some wealth have been deprived of them and they have lost all motivation to work and any hope for the future.  What can one say about the situation of the elderly and infirm, orphans, refugees, and other so-called socially unprotected strata of the population?

People have always brought their burdens to the church and today each priest in every parish hears literally the groaning of thousands of believers whose material situation has become unbearable.  Of course, the church tries to help as much as it can.  Works of charity always have been a most important part of the church's ministry; St. Feofan the Recluse did not write in vain when he said that "the light of godliness shines most of all" in deeds of charity.  And Metropolitan Filaret of Moscow said virtually of our own time:  "How the world is overflowing with miseries and sorrows! It is necessary for the servants of God to overflow no less with feelings and deeds of mercy."  In many dioceses, monasteries, and parishes of our church there are food kitchens for the poor, clothing and medicines are being distributed, and aid is being given to hospitals, children's homes, and nursing centers.  In the Holy Trinity Saint Sergius lavra alone, which has a large storehouse, every day up to a thousand persons are fed.

However, the church's strength is not so great as I would wish. And better help for people would come not from free food but from the creation of conditions under which they would be able feed themselves. This is the concern not only of the government but also of the whole society.  I am not prepared to give an economic remedy, but I consider that our country, with active concern for its citizens, would be able to secure them a piece of bread.  Those who because of age or illness are not able to work also should not be forgotten, especially if they worked for the common good all their lives.  The fruits of labor and the national income should be distributed justly, and if this is not done then the current situation, in which a few are prospering at the expense of the poverty of millions, cannot but lead to social catastrophe.

I want to emphasize especially that what I am saying has nothing to do with politics. What I am talking about is, in the first place, a matter of morality.  The material distribution of the national income in a way worthy of humanity is possible, which we have seen in action, both under the monarchy and under the republic, under the "liberals" in government and under the "conservatives."

One must have a conscience and must have the fear of God.

--Were we not too concentrated in all these years on the divisive and confrontational actions and attitudes, to the detriment of the consolidation of people for getting the country out of the most difficult crisis?

--Yes, too much energy was spent in recent time to build up account, to aggrandize oneself at the expense of neighbors, and to divide our society which was already divided without this.  All our citizens and especially the politicians must pay attention to the awful and wise warning of holy scripture:  "If you keep on biting and devouring each other, watch out or you will be destroyed by each other" (Gal 5.15).

We must renew in ourselves the quest for peace and accord. In doing so we must not all these words to become just a fashionable slogan, a card in the game of ambition or in the conflict of party and private interests.  We must not deceive ourselves:  reconciliation is always deliberate; it is the resolution to say to yourself that it would be better to pass into history having lost everything than for the country and nation to perish.  It is necessary also to recall that what the authorities agree among themselves for their own interests does not always serve the welfare of the common people. If the influential and politically active portion of society achieves internal accord while alongside the majority of citizens have to suffer, then any talk about civil peace resounds in the nation only like a bitter joke.

--During these days you have been receiving thousands of congratulatory letters and telegrams from all corners of Russia.  Their writers wish with all their hearts for you to have new accomplishments in your ministry as primate.  What, in your turn, do you, your holiness, wish to say today to Russians who are readers of Trud and who at this time are undergoing a very difficult period in their history?

--I wish for all of us spiritual peace, toleration, and wisdom.  We must recall that the Lord will sustain us in any, even the most difficult, trials, which only strengthen the souls of those who turn to him in prayer for help.  Let us maintain love and peace in relations with one another, in the family and in the collective, and wherever we may be.  And everything they we may do, let us do it honestly and responsibly, recalling the presence of God in our lives and the eternal significance of any act.  May the Lord bless us.  (tr. by PDS)

Russian text at Moscow patriarchate

(posted 28 February 1999)

'I BELIEVE IN OUR PEOPLE"
Komsomolskaia pravda
17 February 1999

Interview with the most holy patriarch of Moscow and all-Rus, Alexis II
by Olga Kostromina, Viktor Khrekov

--Your ministry as primate has corresponded with the rebirth of spiritual life.  Reviewing the eight and a half years of your patriarchate, what can you say about the characteristics of this process at present?

--My generation of priests was being prepared throughout all its life for the current rebirth, the second baptism of Rus.  Today, reviewing the past decades, one recalls who much we prayed for the Lord to deliver the fatherland from atheist and how zealously we performed our ministry in the most complex circumstances for the sake of the approaching resurrection of faith within the nation.  In his mercy God heard the prayers and did not leave that labor without result. It is really not amazing that, in a country where for seventy years totalitarian atheism was being sponsored, now hundreds of monasteries and thousands of churches have been revived, and children and adults are studying the law of God with enthusiasm, church schools, hospitals, and old-folks homes have come into existence, and a multitude of theological books and Orthodox newspapers   and magazines are being published.  I would like to hope that the church renaissance is only beginning.

--How do you assess the religious situation in the country? Do you think that the new law "On freedom of conscience and religious associations" is a guarantee in practice that Russia will be helped by it to be able to protect itself against the expansion of totalitarian and destructive sects?

--I think that in recent years people have become more discriminating and wise.  More and more are returning to the native faith, holy Orthodoxy.  Congregations of other traditional religions of the peoples of Russia also are being strengthened.  At the same time, the former popularity of television healers, totalitarian sects,  and pseudomissionaries, who only recently were attracting large audiences, has declined.  I believe in our people, in their spiritual strength and reason, and in their ages-old devotion to their spiritual and cultural tradition.    All of my pastoral and life experience has persuaded me of this.

However some dangers have persisted.  They derive both from false religions and from foreign spiritual "conquistadors," who are willy-nilly destroying the integrity of Russian society.   I am particular alarmed about the fate of the young generation, which still does not understand that the apparent beauty of the imported or home-bred "mass culture" has created only an illusion of the resolution of life's problems.  The new law "On freedom of conscience and religious association" does not by itself abolish these threats.  But it permit society to defend itself against the attempt to subject it to a foreign will.  Indeed, all civil associations, including religious ones, must have equality of rights.  But the nation can decisively deny any support to organizations which do not accord with the notions about its historic mission and identity that are accepted by the people.

--In recent times, your holiness, you have frequently spoken with alarm about the economic and political crisis that has exacerbated the moral decline, and vice versa.  What do you see as the major causes of the spread of this evil and what can counter it in current circumstances?

--The totalitarian regime tries to "replace" ages-old moral norms that were rooted in faith.  However nothing could establish this replacement besides force.  Compulsory observance of moral rules has never worked; as soon as the controls disappear, people indulge in all excess.  This is what happened in our society, which was suddenly plunged into a moral vacuum and immediately began to obey  the cult of permissiveness, dissipation, violence, lust, and immorality.  These are valued by some criminal "codes of conduct" which now are in fashion; according to them, displaying crude force is honorable; forgiving and yielding is some kind of crime.  The cult of money and extravagance, which has flourished at the same time as tens of millions of people have undeservedly suffered from property.  Unfortunately, contemporary Russians are learning very slowing to understand that any sin destroys both soul and body, family and all human relations.  Understanding this means making the first step to renewal of our life.

--In the years of your primacy new relations between church and state have been established. What, in your view, is the level of these relations today, and do you consider that the potential that has been created for these relations has been fully realized?

--The dialogue with authority, at both the federal and local level, has been quite well-intentioned and on the whole successful.  The Russian government treats the needs of believer with understanding and, despite the current problems, is trying to help its Orthodox citizens.  However, relations between church and state in our country have still not been worked out fully as in the majority of countries of Europe and the world.  The blame for this lies both with the sad heritage from the past and with the new prejudices regarding the church which are being spread by people who either were formed by atheism or are pursuing their own corrupt (political or economic) interests.

I am convinced that the norm of church-state relations must be an active partnership for the good of society.  We are prepared for such a partnership in a whole series of areas.  This includes social service, the moral health of society, education of the youth, the search for a new place for Russia in the world, revival of native culture, and many, many other things.  At the same time the church is not striving to rule or to dominate, but only to serve its fellow citizens.

--Today politicians are seeking various forms of political agreement that could provide Russia in the near future with peace, order, and stability.  What, in your opinion, can save the country from suffering, enmity, and conflict? You have the experience of conducting consultations such as the one which occurred on your initiative in October in Saint Daniel's monastery; what could you say about the basis on which a dialogue of people of various political views, nations, and confessions could be built?

--Agreement is necessary; and I shall continue to insist on this even when we know how strongly the views of different groups and forces differ, which are active within Russian society.  We must learn not only to coexist but also to cooperate with one another, having resisted attempts at dictatorship, which always gives birth to new conflicts.

There is no alternative to civil peace--I know this from personal experience and from history. The other matter is that agreement is impossible with justice; otherwise under that guise the oppression of some by others will again occur.  Justice in economics, politics, and the social sphere, as well as in mutual relations among people with one another and with the law is especially  important today.  When people do not receive their hard-earned salary and the social security they have worked for all their life, when crime goes unpunished, when inter-ethnic relation get complicated and social conflicts arise, the politicians' talk about reconciliation is not taken seriously by people.

Let's not forget that reconciliation always is a mutual sacrifice, the renunciation of a part of the self for the sake of the other. The teacher of the ancient church, Saint Gregory the Theologian, wrote:  "We shall give up some trivial matter in order to get in exchange what is most important, that is, agreement. We shall concede victory over ourselves so that which shall be able to gain a victory."  Such conduct still must be learned by our leaders and by whole strata of society.

Your patriotic position is well known, as is your consistency in standing for the national interests of Russia.  On what is based your confidence that the country must return to its traditions, including its spiritual traditions, if it wants to recover the status of a great state?

The greatness of a nation depends on the greatness of the spirit of the people. As patriarch of all Rus, the national interests of all nations served by the Russian Orthodox church are dear to me.  There is not, nor should there be, any contradiction among the genuine national interests of the nations living in the various political and administrative districts.  I desire the success of each of our nations--Russian, Ukrainian, Belorussian, or any other, among which our church ministers.  Exclusiveness and isolation never were characteristic of the Russian self-consciousness.  The Russian people persistently  have viewed themselves as having a mission for the rest of the world, and this, possibly, is a part of that unifying idea which many are looking for.  But what can Russia give to humanity today?  For me the answer is obvious:  Russian cultural tradition, based on the primacy of the spiritual over the material, on community and brotherly mutual aid, on restraint and self-sacrifice for the sake of one's neighbor, that is, on the gospel ideal, still can be claimed in the West and throughout the world, which is undergoing an acute spiritual, economic, and ecological crisis.  It is necessary only to preserve this tradition for ourselves.  Incidentally, many understand this now.  It is enough to note contemporary Russian social thought in order to be convinced:  after a brief period of blindly copying foreign models has passed, now many politicians, publicists, and scholars see Russia's future as a country that is unique in its spiritual, cultural, and political relations.  Indeed, even the church renaissance itself, of which I spoke earlier, testifies to the desire of millions of people to return to the bosom of the historical traditions of our people.  It is necessary to accept  all that is good in the culture of other countries.  But the attempt to dissolve oneself into an alien culture and an alien form of life is the path to nowhere.

--How could you explain, your holiness, the increasing attacks upon the Russian Orthodox church, anti-Orthodox propaganda, and slanders of bishops (both dead and living) that have appeared in a number of mass media?

--One can understand when people who are concerned for the state of church life criticize its shortcomings, and these do exist and I know them as well as any reporter. But more often something else is happening: years-long and well organized campaigns are being conducted against our church, as a rule in the same mass media. I am not at all able to understand why these very journalists accuse us sometimes of passivity, sometimes of extreme activism, sometimes of conservatism, sometimes of liberalism, sometimes of abstaining from politics and economics, and sometimes of excessive interference in these aspects of life.  They are seeking any grounds for declaring that the church is dangerous, that it must be restricted or controlled or confined within some boundaries.  This is so much like the atheistic propaganda of the recent past.  If they consciously have chosen a path of struggle against the church and with God, then the Lord is their judge.

--Many servants of the Russian Orthodox church find themselves as a result of the collapse of the state outside the boundaries of Russia and frequently in hostile surroundings and conditions of an alien way of life and manners.  What is the church doing to support our fellow countrymen?

--After the collapse of the Union, the Orthodox church maintained its spiritual unity; an extremely substantial part of our parishes, comparable in number with those located within Russia, now are located in other states of the CIS and in the Baltics.  In the majority of these countries our believers are living peacefully and well.  I will note that in unity with the Moscow patriarchate there are not only russophone Orthodox but also the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians, Moldovans, the entire Belorussian Orthodox flock, and children of many other nations of Slavic and nonslavic descent.

Yes, there are problems, in the first place in Ukraine and Estonia.  In the former case the nationalist politicians are supporting ecclesiastical schisms and discrimination against the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox church.  In the latter case the authorities have tried to deprive parishes of believers who maintain their spiritual fidelity to the Moscow patriarchal throne of places of worship and public life that have long belonged to them. I will not discount the domestic nationalism from which russophone Christians have suffered in several countries of CIS and the Baltics.  Wishing to improve the condition of its flocks, the church has been conducting a difficult dialogue with the governments of those states from which troubling news has come.  In some cases we have managed to do this. Besides in intrachurch matters we always devote special attention to the dioceses of the near abroad.

--Does the church have the resources to take care of the property which it has received from the state?  How has the economic crisis affected it?

--Of course, in the past six months the financial and economic situation of the church has gotten acutely worse.  Of course, the help from contributors has practically ceased and without this the meager means which monasteries and parishes stored up for repair and restoration of churches has been devaluated.  Local authorities, who had been helping to restore monuments of church architecture, now are not in a positing to do this.  But we do not lose heart; I do not know of a single case were a priest has given up restoring his church because of the crisis.  On the contrary, not parishes and cloisters are trying to devote their labors to surviving and where possible to feeding the hungry, and caring for the refugees, homeless, and the destitute who in difficult times always turn to the church.

Sure, not all of the churches recently returned by the state have yet been restored to their former glory.  Possibly because of the crisis this will be postponed several years.  But in any church the flame of prayer should provide warmth and if there is a pastor and a congregation, that means the church building will be restored.  The authorities have given to the church several buildings that do not have liturgical significance, such as structures for schools, libraries, charity, and other church institutions.  In visiting various dioceses I have seen that these building usually have been maintained better than neighboring ones.

As regards icons which have historical value as sacred items, their situation is strictly controlled by agencies that are responsible for preservation of historical monuments. The very return of sancta to believers usually is accompanied by certain obligations on the part of the church.  We are ready to take responsibility for their maintenance, but we are firmly convinced that the place for these sacred objects is in the church so that prayer and the liturgy may be performed in front of them.

--Your holiness, how do you assess the possibility of attracting the young generation to the church?

--When I perform liturgies in the churches of Moscow or visit the dioceses, I always see a multitude of young faces.  More and more children are coming.  The All-church Orthodox Youth Movement is active, organizing summer camps for young people and various meetings, conferences, round tables, concerts, and exhibitions.  Special attention is being given to the so-called "at risk" groups, youth who are suffering from drug addiction, alcoholism, and the negative influence of the criminal world.

However, I consider that our youth work still is not up to the church's capacity.  Too many young men and women still are very far from the faith and know little of church life.  Surely one of the ways of overcoming this chasm is to begin the development of evangelism among youth.  It is important to tell the young generation about Christ and the church in words and cultural forms that are familiar to the young people.  There is nothing extraordinary about this; in every century the church has spoken in one language to children and in another to youth, and in a third to the mature adults and in a fourth with the elderly.  The apostle Paul says:  "For Jews, I was like a Jew, in order to win Jews; for those under the law I was like one under the law, in order to win those under the law; for those apart from the law, as apart from the law, in order to win those apart from the law; for the weak I became weak, in order to win the weak.  I have become everything for everyone, in order to save at least some." (1 Cor 9.20-22).

--What words of consolation could you give to people who have lost themselves in the conditions of the crisis and have given up hope in the future?

--Recently when I visited one of the dioceses, people asked:  "Give us patience."  Really, in our difficult times patience is most important thing one could ask for.  Remember, my dear ones, that even in the most difficult circumstances of life the Lord will not leave you.  The history of the church has brought us many inspirational examples of how even in times of war, troubles, and persecutions, by God's mercy people have maintained peace and joy by staying in fellowship with him.

I hope that the current difficulties will end.  But they will not end by themselves, without the efforts of all of us who are members of one society.  Both the government and all influential public forces as well as every individual must devote more energy and will, honor and readiness for justice, to put an end to the sufferings of millions of people.  Our church has always supported efforts that are aimed at relieving the plight of the people and creating a worthy life. (tr. by PDS)

Russian text at Moscow patriarchate

(posted 1 March 1999)

US State department reports on rights in Russia

                                                                              RUSSIA

[Here are excerpts from the report pertaining to religion, ed. note]

Politically, economically, and socially, Russia continues to be a state in transition but experienced additional severe pressures during the year related to the country's widespread financial crisis. While constitutional structures are well-defined and democratic in conception, democratic institution-building continues to face serious challenges, often due to significant limitations on the State's financial resources. . . .

 In October 1997, the Government enacted a restrictive and potentially discriminatory law on religion. The Government subsequently sought to develop an interpretation of the law that would comply with the international agreements addressing freedom of religion to which Russia is a party. However, the implementing regulations, issued piecemeal during the year and completed in October, did not resolve many of the law's inherent ambiguities. Discriminatory practices at the local level are attributable to the increased decentralization of power, as well as to government inaction and discriminatory attitudes that are widely held in society. Many religions, including many Protestant sects that are new to the country, have reregistered successfully at the federal and local levels, as required by the law, and continue their activities. However, there are numerous reports that religious organizations either were denied registration or experienced long delays in reregistration, as local authorities sought to obstruct the activities of religious groups. All religious organizations must reregister by the end of 1999. The judicial system offers an appeals process, which a number of groups have chosen to pursue. Two challenges to the constitutionality of the religion law were accepted for review in November. A court date is expected in the second half of 1999. In addition, some regional governments have passed laws and decrees since 1994 that restrict the activities of minority religious groups, some of which have been subject to harassment as a result. . . .

There were no developments in the 1996 murder of U.S. businessman Paul Tatum, or in the 1990 murder of Orthodox priest Aleksandr Men. A Duma commission investigating the murders of Duma deputies is still holding hearings. . . .

Freedom of Religion

The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respects this right in practice; however, although the Constitution also provides for the equality of all religions before the law and the separation of church and state, in practice the Government does not always respect the provision for equality of religions.

In December 1990, the Soviet Government adopted a law on religious freedom designed to put all religions on an equal basis. (After the breakup of the Soviet Union, this law became part of the Russian Federation's legal code.) The law forbade government interference in religion and established simple registration procedures for religious groups. Registration of religious groups was not required, and some evangelical and other religious groups have continued to operate while choosing not to register officially with the Government. However, by registering groups obtained a number of advantages, for example, the ability to establish official places of worship or benefit from tax exemptions.

During the early and mid-1990's, the sharp increase in the activities of well-financed foreign missionaries disturbed many sectors of society, particularly nationalists and many members of the Russian Orthodox Church, some of whom advocated limiting the activities of what they termed "nontraditional" religious groups and what were sometimes called "dangerous" or "totalitarian" sects.

In October 1997, the Government enacted a new, restrictive, and potentially discriminatory law on religion, which raised questions about the Government's commitment to international agreements honoring freedom of religion. Passage of the law prompted concern in the international community, because for the first time since the break-up of the Soviet Union, the Government had adopted legislation that could abridge fundamental human rights. This law replaced the progressive 1990 religion law that had helped facilitate a revival of religious activity.

The new law ostensibly targeted so-called "totalitarian sects" or dangerous religious cults. However, the intent of some of the law's sponsors appears to have been to discriminate against members of foreign and less well-established religions by making it difficult for them to manifest their beliefs through organized religious institutions.

The law is very complex, with many ambiguous and contradictory provisions. On its face the law creates various categories of religious communities with differing levels of legal status and privileges. The law draws distinctions between religious "groups" and "organizations," two mutually exclusive registration categories, and creates two categories of organizations: "regional" and "centralized." A religious "group" is a congregation of worshipers that does not have the legal status of a juridical person, meaning that it cannot open a bank account, own property, issue invitations to foreign guests, or publish literature, among other things. Groups are permitted to rent public spaces and hold services. Moreover, the law does not purport to abridge the rights of individual members of "groups." For example, a member of a religious group could buy property for the group's use, invite personal guests to engage in religious instruction, and import religious material. However, in this case, the group would not enjoy tax benefits and other privileges extended to religious organizations, such as proselytizing.

The most controversial provisions are those that limit the rights, activities, and status of religious groups existing in Russia for less than 15 years. Groups that have been in existence for 15 years have the right to obtain the status of "local religious organizations." Similarly, congregations that existed for 15 years when the new law was enacted also are eligible for registration as an organization. Organizations, both local and centralized, are juridical persons, enjoy tax exemptions, and are permitted to proselytize, establish religious schools, host foreign religious workers, and publish religious literature.

Under the the 1997 religion law, representative offices of foreign religious organizations are required to register with state authorities, and they are barred from conducting liturgical and other religious activity unless they have acquired the status of a group or organization. Although the law officially requires all foreign religious organizations to register, in practice foreign religious representatives' offices (those not registered under Russian law) have opened without registering or have been accredited to a registered Russian religious organization. However, these representative offices cannot carry out religious activities or have the status of a religious organization.

A "centralized religious organization" can be founded by a confession that has three functioning "local organizations" in different regions. A centralized organization apparently has the right to establish affiliated local organizations without adhering to the 15-year rule. In implementing this provision, the Government has extended this definition to include "a registered centralized managing center." Centralized organizations also have been accorded the right to organize affiliated local organizations, which themselves do not comply with the 15-year rule.

Critics of the law have claimed that it violates the Constitution's provision of equality before the law of all confessions. In particular, many religious groups criticized the law's requirement that religious groups be in existence for 15 years before they can qualify for "organization" status. Also, many groups feared the consequences of the law's provisions limiting the actions of foreign religious missionaries. Representatives of some religions, such as the Mormon Church and some Pentecostal and Charismatic Christian groups, have said that their activities in Russia could be halted under the law. Critics of the law have also expressed concern that local authorities could abuse the new law by interpreting and implementing it more strictly than intended by the Federal Government.

Between February 12 and June 3 the Government issued three sets of regulations governing implementation of the new law. While providing procedural guidelines for registration, the regulations fail to clarify many key definitional points in the law.

International and well-funded Russian religious organizations, in particular, began the reregistration process soon after the publication of the regulations governing reregistration. Russian Pentecostal groups, which have a solid and growing network of churches throughout the country, sought guidance from the Ministry of Justice on reregistration as early as November 1997. One of the larger organizations, the Russian Unified Fellowship of Christians of the Evangelical Faith (which traces its origins back to the early 1900's) reregistered as a centralized religious organization by late March. It has since incorporated many smaller, newer Pentecostal groups within its structure. As of the end of July over 26 confessions had reregistered at the federal level, including the Apostolic Administration of Latin-rite Catholics, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons), and the Seventh-Day Adventists. Some religious groups were reregistering successfully at the local level by year's end. The delay in reregistration is due in part to the slow pace at which the federal Ministry of Justice has disseminated the regulations and guidelines to local authorities. It also is due to the fact that smaller, minority confessions sometimes fear the registration process. Many of the 89 regions' laws and decrees on religion contradict federal law; presumably they would have to be changed. In the meantime, many local religious organizations continue to try to seek means of affiliating themselves with centralized organizations or confessions that can meet the 15-year rule and provide a protective legal cover. However, some individual local churches, citing their theological and administrative independence, are reluctant to make themselves part of a larger organization. Under the new system, such religious communities face considerable legal disadvantages.

President Yeltsin and other high-ranking Russian officials have stated consistently that the law would be applied in a liberal, tolerant manner, thereby preserving religious freedom and the equality of confessions. They insist that no mainstream religion already operating in Russia would see its activities curtailed as a result of the new law. Although the full effect of the law on minority confessions or religions considered nontraditional may not be clear until the end of 1999, the time before which organizations registered under the old law are required to obtain new registration, no religious organization has ceased operations as a result of the law. However, despite the federal Government's efforts to implement the law liberally and to provide assurances that religious freedom would be observed, restrictions continued at the local level.

The vagueness of the law and regulations, the contradictions between federal and local law, and varying interpretations furnish regional officials with a pretext to restrict the activities of religious minorities. For example, Jehovah's Witnesses report that local authorities are refusing to register some local Jehovah's Witness organizations, pending resolution of the case against the Moscow Jehovah's Witnesses, under Article 14 of the 1997 religion law. Discriminatory practices at the local level are attributable to the increased decentralization of power, as well as to government inaction and discriminatory attitudes that are widely held in society.

Furthermore, since 1994, 22 out of 89 regional governments have passed restrictive laws and decrees intended to restrict the activities of religious groups. The Federal Government has not sought to challenge the constitutionality of these restrictions. There are reports that some local governments prevented religious groups from using venues, such as cinemas, suitable for large gatherings. As a result, in some instances denominations that do not have their own property effectively have been denied the opportunity to practice their faith in large groups.

As of year's end, some local executive authorities continued to cite the new law or local laws to obstruct religious groups' activities or to rescind their existing local registrations. Reports of harassment and punishment for religious belief or activity continued. For example, in January and February, the Khakasiya Lutheran Church, the Khakasiya Christian Center and the Yaroslavl New Generation Church received orders from local officials to suspend production and distribution of religious videos and publications and religious education. Yaroslavl officials in January refused to register the New Generation Church, previously an unregistered underground church. Local officials cited the new law as the basis for their actions. Some members of these churches reported being fired from their jobs, beaten, and imprisoned for their religious affiliations. Based on a complaint from the Committee to Save Youth From Totalitarian Cults, a Moscow municipal procurator is seeking liquidation of the Moscow Jehovah's Witnesses organization under the 1997 religion law. This is the first proceeding in the judicial branch that attempted to suspend the operations of an existing religious organization at a local level.

The Khakasiya and Yaroslavl cases form the basis of the constitutional challenge to the law on religion, filed with the Constitutional Court in May by the Institute of Law and Religion, an NGO. The petition challenges the constitutionality of the 15-year requirement and the limitations on the rights and activities of confessions that do not meet that requirement. Constitutional Court officials say that the case is under review to determine whether the Court has jurisdiction to hear the case. The Constitutional Court accepted the case for review in November, but a court date had not been set by year's end.

Human rights activists contend that only 15 percent of actual violations of religious freedom are reported. They maintain that most citizens, especially those living in the regions, are still skeptical about the protection of religious freedom and are reluctant to make public complaints due to fear of retaliation. Federal authorities did not take sufficient action to reverse discriminatory actions taken at the local level, or to discipline those officials responsible.

Property disputes are some of the most frequent complaints cited by religious groups. For the most part, synagogues, churches, and mosques have been returned to communities to be used for religious services. The Federal Government has met the requirements of the 1993 presidential decree on communal property restitution, and the decree continues to guide the ongoing process. However, jurisdiction in most cases is at the regional level, and there is no centralized source of information on these cases. Nonetheless, there continue to be reports of religious property that has not been returned. The Moscow Patriarchate has claimed and taken possession of properties owned by other branches of Orthodoxy and, in certain cases, property of other religions. In some property disputes, religious buildings have been "privatized," and there are long delays in finding new locations for the current occupants. Local authorities often refuse to get involved in property disputes, which they contend are between private organizations. Even where state or municipal authorities still have undisputed control of properties, a number of religious communities continue to meet significant obstacles when they request the return of religious buildings or when they seek to acquire land and necessary building permits for new religious structures.

Some Protestant faiths have suggested that the Russian Orthodox Church influences the Government regarding land allocated for churches of other sects. The Jewish community, which has met with some success on communal property restitution, faces the same obstacles as other religious communities and has concerns about the return of Torah scrolls.

In its preamble (which government officials insist has no legal standing), the Religion Law recognizes the "special contribution of Orthodoxy to the history of Russia and to the establishment and development of Russia's spirituality and culture." It accords respect to Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Judaism, and certain other religions as an inseparable part of the country's historical heritage. Russian Orthodoxy is considered in conservative circles as the de facto official religion of the Russian Federation. Many Russians firmly believe that at least nominal adherence to the Russian Orthodox Church is at the heart of what it means to be Russian.

The Russian Orthodox Church was involved actively in the development of the new Law on Religion and has special arrangements with government agencies to conduct religious education. These arrangements do not appear to be available to other religions. The head of the Moscow Patriarchate, the Patriarch of Moscow and all Russia, participates in most high?level official events and appears to have direct access to and influence with officials of the executive branch. The traditional view that Russian soil is an exclusively "Orthodox domain" leads to frequent criticism and intolerance of foreign religious groups that proselytize in the country. Many Orthodox Church officials condemn such "sheep stealing" when practiced by other Christian churches. Even well-established foreign religious organizations have been characterized by the Orthodox leadership as "dangerous and destructive sects."

Although Jews and Muslims continue to encounter prejudice and societal discrimination (see Section 5), they generally have not been inhibited by the Government in the free practice of their religion. Other religions, including Buddhism and Shamanism, are practiced in specific localities where they are rooted in local traditions.

At two public Communist Party rallies in October, Duma Deputy and retired General Albert Makashov made blatantly anti-Semitic remarks, threatening to take the Jews "to the next world." In an October 20 newspaper article he blamed the financial crisis on the country's Jews. The Duma's Communists blocked a November 4 motion to censure Makashov.

On December 15, Viktor Ilyukhin, a Communist Party Duma member and Chairman of the Duma Security Committee, accused President Yeltsin of "genocide" against the Russian people, "which would not have been possible if the entourage of Yeltsin and the country's previous governments had consisted basically of members of the native peoples rather than only members of the Jewish nation." In a December 23 statement, Communist Party leader Zyuganov explained his party's position as "anti-Zionist," not anti-Semitic. Jewish groups believe that the Communists are using anti-Semitism as a political tool to build populist support.

The President's administration, the Government, and, in particular, the Russian media reacted immediately to the Communist Party's expressions of anti-Semitism. Communist Party leaders accused the press of conducting a smear campaign and threatened retribution (see Section 2.a.). A December 16 presidential statement delivered to the Duma declared that "any attempt to insult ethnic groups, to limit the rights of citizens on the basis of origin, will be stopped in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the Russian Federation." On December 30, Yeltsin ordered cabinet officials responsible for law-enforcement issues to prepare a comprehensive federal program against political and religious extremism by March 1, 1999. . . .

Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status

Religious Minorities

Muslims, who comprise approximately 10 percent of the population, continue to encounter societal discrimination and antagonism in some areas where they are a minority.

There are between 600,000 and 700,000 Jews in Russia (0.5 percent of the total population). Jews continue to encounter societal discrimination, and government authorities have been criticized for insufficient action to counter it. There were several isolated reported incidents of major crimes or acts of intimidation linked to anti-Semitic groups or motives during the year. For example, a large bomb exploded at the Marina Roshcha Synagogue in Moscow on May 13. While the blast injured several construction workers at an adjoining construction site, none of the congregants was hurt. A previously unknown anti-Semitic organization proved their responsibility for the act with a videotape provided to television broadcasters. The attack was condemned by President Yeltsin, Moscow Mayor Luzhkov, the Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church, and other national leaders. The city of Moscow offered to pay for repairs to the synagogue. However, no arrests have been made in the case. In another incident, 149 graves were desecrated at a Jewish cemetery in Irkutsk in May. Swastikas were painted on the graves. No progress was reported in investigations of several incidents that occurred in 1996.

The ultranationalist Russian National Unity (RNE) paramilitary organization, led by Aleksandr Barkashov, appeared to extend its presence beyond its southern Russian stronghold during the year. Although reliable figures on its membership are not available, it claims a membership of 50,000 in 24 federation chapters. According to various pollsters, the radical movement appears to have won some degree of national name recognition and may enjoy the support of up to 3 percent of the population. RNE "uniformed" members were increasingly visible during the year at political and cultural public gatherings, but their day-to-day visibility on the streets and in public areas of Moscow has not been as obvious.

As an increasingly visible expression of extremism across the country, the activities of the RNE and other extremists prompted government efforts to address the problem of extremism more forcefully. Moscow authorities banned the RNE from convening a congress in December, citing the RNE's lack of credentials as a legally registered public organization (the Ministry of Justice twice has denied the RNE's registration).

Anti-Semitic themes continued to figure prominently in hundreds of extremist publications, and some politicians made anti-Semitic remarks. Communist Duma members Makashov, Ilyukhin, and Zyuganov made anti-Semitic remarks (see Section 2.c.), blamed Russia's Jews for the economic crisis, called for quotas limiting the number of Jews in public office, and claimed that President Yeltsin's entourage is made up only of members of the "Jewish nation." Communist Duma members blocked a Duma motion to censure anti-Semitic remarks. Some Russian Jews believe that these public statements may have contributed to increased societal anti-Semitism.

President Yeltsin has spoken out repeatedly against anti-Semitic and extremist attitudes, including at the September dedication of a new memorial synagogue in Moscow. He said that it was "bitter to see that our own home-grown Fascists have emerged with their racial and national intolerance." Government reaction to the anti-Semitic statements was strong and immediate, in particular from President Yeltsin's administration. A December 16 presidential statement delivered to the Duma declared that "any attempt to insult ethnic groups, to limit the rights of citizens on the basis of origin, will be stopped in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the Russian Federation." Communist Duma Deputies Makashov and Ilyukhin contributed to a climate of intolerance with their public anti-Semitic remarks. Despite an outcry against Makashov in the mass media, both the Duma and the Communist Party refused to censure him. On December 30, Yeltsin ordered cabinet law enforcement officials to prepare a comprehensive federal program against political and religious extremism by March 1, 1999 (see Section 2.c.).

Another prominent public figure who regularly engaged in anti-Semitic remarks was Krasnodar Kray governor Nikolay Kondratenko. Because of his position, Kondratenko has a seat in the upper house of Parliament. The governor's public speeches in the Kray often contain crude anti-Semitic remarks and stereotypes and blame Jews and alleged Jewish conspiracies for the country's problems. For example, Kondratenko has said that the essence of Russian history is the Russian battle against Jewish domination. He has blamed "Zionists" for the war in Chechnya, for the destruction of the Communist Party, for attacks on the Russian Orthodox Church, and for introducing homosexuality in the country. In addition, there have been credible reports that Kondratenko has urged the firing of Jewish public employees in the region. In July during a tour of the North Caucasus region, Justice Minister Krasheninnikov criticized Kondratenko's statements, saying that they were meant to foment ethnic strife in the area, and were scaring away foreign investment and destabilizing the entire region.

A report issued in October 1997 by the human rights group Memorial criticized Krasnodar government officials for "encouraging radical nationalist groups" including the Cossacks, and "indirectly inciting them to violence" against ethnic minority groups in the area. . . .

After his 1996 election, Kondratenko adopted a new regional charter that declares Krasnodar Kray the "place of residence for the (ethnic) Russian people." He appointed Cossack "hetman" Vladimir Gromov as deputy governor of the region. In April 1997, Kondratenko and Gromov issued a resolution making Cossack groups subordinate to the regional government instead of to the State, according to the Center for Human Rights Advocacy. The Center reported that President Yeltsin suspended this resolution in September 1997 on the grounds that it was unconstitutional. According to the statements of the radical Cossack Chieftain Ivan Bezguly, reported in the media, he has 44,000 Cossacks at his disposal ostensibly to enforce law and order. Estimates of the total number of Cossacks in Krasnodar are as high as 300,000. The Cossacks' tactics appear designed to brutalize and intimidate the area's ethnic minorities, and to bring about the group's stated goal of cleansing the area of all nonslavic Russians.

The situation in Krasnodar drew the attention during the year of the Human Rights Chamber of the President's Political Consultative Council. The Chamber held hearings on the situation, and demanded that federal law enforcement agencies intervene in Krasnodar and that criminal proceedings be launched against local authorities for inciting racial hatred. In December the Ministry of Justice launched an investigation into the reported distribution of anti-Semitic leaflets in Krasnodar calling on the population to destroy the homes of Jews. The extent or effectiveness of federal investigations of racial or ethnical provocations in Krasnodar is thus far unknown.

Despite legal registration, members of some religions, including some Protestant groups, Jehovah's Witnesses, and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter?Day Saints (Mormons), continued to face discrimination in their ability to rent premises and conduct group activities (see Section 2.b.).

Occasionally, opposition to the dissemination of information came from religious groups. In Yekaterinburg in early May, Bishop Nikon of the Russian Orthodox Church reportedly issued an oral order to burn books that he considered to be heretical, authored by murdered Archpriest Aleksandr Men. The books were taken from the library of the diocesan parochial school and were burned in the yard of the church school. The Bishop reportedly explained that his action was an attempt to protect Russian Orthodoxy from free interpretations of the teachings of Jesus Christ. Eyewitnesses to the book burning included pupils of the church school. From time to time, the Russian Orthodox Church also criticized the press for what it called "anti-church publications," but stopped short of imposing any church sanctions against particular authors or editors. However, the Church appealed to authors of what it considered inaccurate accounts of church history to "realize the sinfulness of their evil deeds." . . .

In Stavropol Kray, the local branch of Aleksandr Barkashov's neo-Nazi RNE and a parallel organization called Russian Knight claim support from local leaders, members of the armed services, and law enforcement officials. The stated goal of the organizations is to develop Russian youth to establish "Russian order," a vision of a great Russia with Orthodox values, a goal for which they claim to be ready to shed blood. The group runs kindergartens in Stavropol and trains youths of various ages. The group reportedly has several hundred followers in the kray and claims to have 24 branches throughout the country and 50,000 members.

The RNE was named by the Presidential Commission on Countering Political Extremism, created in October 1997, as one of the first two extremist groups it would investigate. However, in making the announcement, then-Justice Minister Sergey Stepashin, Chairman of the Commission, added that the RNE no longer existed officially, since it had lost a court case in December 1997 to renew its registration with the Ministry of Justice. However, the RNE still is active as an unofficial organization. . . .

 [end of document]

Complete text of the State Department's report

The following note is from attorney Lauren Homer, of Pranschke & Holderle, L.C., a law firm that specializes in the representation of U.S. religious and non-profit organizations.

26 February 1999

"Here are my comments on the Russia section of the State Department Human Rights Report:

"The section on Russia properly reveals massive deterioration in human rights accross Russia, which are particularly severe in the areas of criminal justice, press freedom, and children, with widespread incidents of physical abuse, inadeqate food and health care in detention facilities and orphanages, and assasinations of politicians and reporters.  It gives a good description of the provisions of the 1997 RF law on freedom of conscience and religious organizations.  However, it could have given many more examples of the accelerating numbers of incidents involving religious freedom and expressions of intolerance.  Despite the best efforts of federal authorities to conform Russia's 1997 law to international standards through creative implementing regulations and guidelines, it remains the fact that individual congregations that cannot meet the "15 year" standard have dramatically fewer rights than older organizations and that foreign religious workers usually cannot obtain an immigration status that allows them to serve as leaders or participants in religious organizations.

"Harassment of particular congregations by local authorities has reached dramatic proportions in the cases of the Lutheran congregation in Khakassia, an independent Baptist congregation in Kharbarovsk, and a charismatic church in Murmansk, with congregational members experiencing police interviews, threats of job loss, etc.  However, in some of these cases, joining a centralized organization will solve many problems.  The recent raid on the Church of Scientology is only one of many recent unannounced tax police visits to religious organizations with foreign ties. We can expect that many will not pass scrutiny and will be closed down and subjected to large fines. Confiscation of books and records, including membership lists, of unpopular faths is also ongoing.

"It can be expected that as Russia's economic and political life continues to founder that scapegoating and harassment and even violence against minority faiths and newer faiths will accelerate.  The extreme and diabolical anti-semitism expressed at the highest levels of the Communist party and by the growing neo-fascist National Unity party is a harbinger of things to come.  For example, the National Unity party organized picketing of the Magadan Word of Life church, chanting "death to sect members" during their Sunday service and with the permission of the local government leaders that have been harassing church members."

 (posted 27 February 1999)

State honor for patriarch

Associated Press, February 19, 1999

MOSCOW (AP) --  President Boris Yeltsin awarded Patriarch  Alexy II one of Russia's top honors Friday as  the leader of the Russian Orthodox Church  celebrated his 70th birthday a few days early.

 Alexy welcomed Yeltsin to his working  residence, where the president presented him  with the Order of St. Andrew. Yeltsin said he  was ``happy to live at the same time'' as Alexy,  according to the Interfax news agency.

 Yeltsin granted the award to Alexy for  ``outstanding contributions in the spiritual and  moral revival of Russia, and the preservation of  peace and agreement in society,'' the president  wrote in a statement.

 Alexy has led Russia's Orthodox church since  1990, and has presided over a resurgence of  faith since the fall of communism, when  anti-religious drives often forced religions  underground. The patriarch also has led efforts  to formally enshrine the Orthodox Church as  Russia's main faith.

 Alexy's birthday is next Tuesday, but he  marked it Friday to keep a celebration from  coinciding with Lent.

RUSSIAN PATRIARCH SNEAKS IN BIRTHDAY BEFORE LENT
by Peter Henderson
Reuters, 19 February 1999

MOSCOW, Feb 19 (Reuters) - The head of the Russian Orthodox Church knows you cannot party during Lent, so he is celebrating his 70th birthday early.

Pope John Paul sent his best wishes on Thursday, Itar-Tass news agency said, and President Boris Yeltsin personally presented his congratulations and an award on Friday, but Russian Patriarch Alexiy only turns 70 next Tuesday.

The Patriarch held early religious celebrations on Thursday and was due to celebrate with Russia's political elite at the Bolshoi Theatre on Friday because next week he must respect Lent, the Christian period of self-denial before Easter.

``Lent, especially the first week, is absolutely incompatible with this type of festivities,'' Father Chaplin of the Moscow Patriarchy said, explaining the early celebration.

Russian Orthodoxy is Russia's largest religion and one of the independent branches of the Orthodox Church, which broke with the Roman Catholic Church centuries ago.

Alexiy, who was elected the 15th Patriarch in 1990, held a low profile in Communist times, a period when churches were destroyed and believers were persecuted. But the Church has undergone a renaissance and become a symbol of Russia since the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.

A law passed in 1997 enshrines Orthodoxy and three other faiths as traditional in Russia, which Alexiy says protects his religion against attempts to impose ``an alien will'' on it.

Critics say the law discriminates against other religions and accuse the Orthodox Church of wanting to monopolise Russia's spiritual life.

The early birthday celebration breaks Russian tradition. Well-wishers are usually strongly prohibited from wishing happy birthday early due to fear of jinxing the birthday boy or girl.

``That tradition is simply a superstition, and in the Church one usually does not celebrate one's birthday but rather one's day of angels (similar to a saint's day). Since there is a special celebration, his birthday was moved, and there is nothing special about that,'' Father Chaplin said.

The Patriarch's saint's day, the 25th, was also moved.

Yeltsin took the occasion to award him Russia's highest honour, the order of Saint Andrew, introduced 300 years ago by Tsar Peter the Great and re-introduced in post-imperial, post-Soviet form by Yeltsin last year.

Yeltsin said the award was in honour of the Patriarch's leading contribution to the spiritual and moral revival of Russia and the preservation of social peace and understanding.

Alexiy is only the fourth recipient, after Mikhail Kalashnikov, creator ofthe AK-47 assault rifle, and others.

Father Chaplin said the Patriarch would probably pray and attend church on his real birthday.

 
(posted 22 February 1999)

Human rights paper reviews Witnesses trial

"Every person has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion; this right includes the freedom to change one's religion or convictions and freedom to profess one's religion or convictions alone or in common with others. . . . " The European convention on defence of human rights and basic freedoms, article 9

"A sect has an intense anti-state, anti-social, and anti-tradition (including anti-Christian) inclination and entails the prohibition of participation of a person in the life of state and society. . . ."  From the submission of the procurator of the northern administrative district of Moscow, 15 January 1999, regarding prohibition of the activity of the Moscow congregation of Jehovah's Witnesses.

The case against the Moscow congragation of the Jehovah's Witnesses religious organization is continuing.  The third session of the Golovin city district court of Moscow on this case opened on 9 February.  It is possible that this one will turn out to be decisive; the previous two sessions that occurred in September and November of last year led to the judge's requirement for a clarification of the  accusation.  Now the procuracy of the northern district of the capital has presented to the court still another petition in which it requests the liquidation of the Moscow congregation of Jehovah's Witnesses.

The procurator's accusation resounds loudly:  "Jehovah's Witnesses are guilty of inciting religious conflict, destruction of the families of their followers, encouraging believers to commit suicide, infringement upon the person, rights, and freedom of citizens, and enticing minors into the congregation."  The prosecution had difficulties only with the evidence for all of this.  Essentially, to provide such evidence the procurator has to deal only with  excerpts from the doctrinal literature that is used by and distributed by the congregation, which makes the case a matter not so much of the actions of Jehovah's Witnesses as of the convictions of members of this congregation.

That the convictions of the Jehovah's Witnbesses could shock the ordinary citizen who is not schooled in theological matters is not surprising. The Witnesses recognize the same unique source of truth that "traditional" Christians do--the Bible.  However they interpret it in their own way, so that they reject almost all of the cultural heritage of the Christian world. In the opinion of the Witnesses, Christ was not God and the human spirit is not immortal, but the Almighty gave humanity a literal promise to resurrect the righteous in their flesh in order to live forever on earth.  This will happen after the end of the world, at the time when sinners will finally be destroyed.  Naturally the Jehovah's Witnesses consider themselves candidates as the righteous and they claim that the rest of humanity is mired in sin and will perish.  Thus Jehovah's Witnesses consider that they have an obligation not only to live in keeping with their doctrine but also to preach it to those around them.

The members of this congregation are not required to obey any other commands except what they are willing to do. But in striving to guarantee for themselves eternal life in a real paradise, those who profess this faith can create for themselves a number of problems for ordinary life:  they reject supplemental compensation or  social security, in order to devote themselves to "ministry," they contribute to the congregation a part of their property, they separate themselves from a family that hinders their performing their ministry, they subject their health and life to danger by refusing blood transfusions, which the Jehovah's Witnesses consider to be an abomination.

However, such self-denial to some degree or another is characteristic also for believers of other confessions, including Catholics and Orthodox.  Nevertheless at the present time it is the Jehovah's Witnesses who are dragged before the court because the Committee for the Protection of Youth from Totalitarian Sects has drawn the attention of the procuracy to them.  This time the court hearing began with such an overt scandal that some could not help but see an analogy with soviet trials of dissidents.  As the venue for such a signal case which was attracting enormous attention from the public and reporters, the judge selected a room with a capacity of barely thirty square meters. Naturally, there was no room for reporters. And only upon the observation of  Ekspress Khronika's reporter that the judge's demand that reporters leave would make the trial a closed trial was the press permitted to remain in the room.

The restriction of the close quarters served as a symbol of the presentation of the procurator, Tatiana Kondratieva, for whom the attempts to specify for the court the accusations were truly a torment. Concrete facts--descriptions of illegal activities and of their victims--were not brought forth in the prosecution's case. Although citations from magazines and books of the Witnesses were presented. That the religion of the Jehovah's Witnesses is the only true religion means that the feelings of other believers are offended, and this constitutes instigation of national conflict.  The Witnesses' criticism of the clergy for, let's say, participation in politics or pedophilia also offend ordinary believers. In the Jehovah's Witnesses claim that the earthly world is ruled by Satan and soon will perish, the prosecution sees promotion of animosity, and destruction of the family, and infringement upon the right of minors, who might hear such claims from their parents who are members of the congregation.    And even infringement upon the rights of believers themselves--after all, "predictions about Armageddon arouse fear and anxiety," and may evoke "depression and neuroses," and believers "lose interest in goals for life in the real world," and the youth are "disoriented in their choices for the future."

All of this was not made up by the procurator himself; the case used, for example, expert analysis by the professor of the department of religious studies of the Russian Academy of State Services under the presidency of RF, F. Ovsienko, and professor F. Kondratiev from the Serbsky State Scientific Center of Social and Forensic Psychiatry, and staff of the Russian Academy of Education.  But such evaluations are at least ten years too late.  In a country which has recognized the European convention on human rights as a part of its legislation, the idea that some religious doctrines should be prohibited because they do not permit a believer to salute the flag of his country and inspire him to refuse recognition to all human governments and prevent his self-realization can only evoke amazement. Nevertheless, this farce is quite real.  In essence, the Golovin court has to determine whether the Jehovah's Witnesses are interpreting the Bible correctly, since all citations from their literature to support the indictment are simply commentaries upon biblical texts.    But on 10 February, when the lawyers for the congregation tried to determine from Kondrataeva whether she considered  statements of Christian prophets regarding the rule of Satan over the world, Armageddon, and the truth of their religion to be incitements to religious conflict, the prosecution refused to answer, citing her incompetence in theological matters.  She reacted in a similar way to quotations from Orthodox literature in which the Jehovah's Witnesses were declared to be followers of Satan.  However the theological argument on that day continued throughout the whole session, dealing for example with the question of what really is the "world of Satan" and who should be consider to be the whore of Babylon.  On this day the Bible occupied a place of honor in the court since, in contrast to the procurator, Judge Elena Prokhorycheva treated this document with respect.

If, heeding the opinion of the prosecution, the court prohibits the Moscow congregation of Jehovah's Witnesses, this will surely be a severe blow for them.  But, as Sergei Vasiliev, a member of the congregation's council, noted there was a time when they were compelled to conduct their meetings in the woods.  The other citizens of Russia will suffer much more if once again psychiatry professors will be able to decide in the name of the state what people may or may not believe.

We asked the Canadian attorney John Burns to comment about the Jehovah's Witnesses case. He is participating in the trial on the side of the congregation.

The case is a theological discussion taking place in a secular court.  The prosecutor asks the judge to determine what is an appropriate interpretation of the Bible.  Democracy requires that all political and religous views may be freely expressed.  If the prosecutor's requests are granted, Russia could be returned to the time of the censor. And not only with regard to religious views, but also political ones.  The procurator could not establish that the publications of the Jehovah's Witnesses incite people to political violence. Jehovah's Witnesses maintain that their faith is true and this, the procurator declared, offends the feelings of representatives of other religions.  But why did she not reply to the question about the statements of the Russian Orthodox church about Jehovah's Witnesses?  It is clear that the procurator is occupying a discriminatory position.  In the religion of the Jehovah's Witnesses there is nothing that would distinguish it from other religions. In the case of the European court on the matter of the persecution of some Witnesses in Greece the same accusations resounded, and the European court decided that the views of a religious congregations are defended by the European convention on human rights.  In another case the Eurpean court decided that religious views should not be the subject of judicial procedure.  This is not a matter for a secular court--to decide who is right in regard to religious convictions.  That is the right of the individual to decide.

INFORMATION:  Jehovah's Witnesses exist in 230 countries. They have been in Russia more than 100 years.  Under the soviet regime the existence of the community was not legally recognized and its members were subjected to repression for antigovernmental convictions.  In 1951 the state conducted a mass resettlement of members of the community to Siberia.  Later those Witnesses who had been repressed were gradually rehabilitated.  The Jehovah's Witnesses received official registration with the Ministry of Justice in 1991.  The Moscow congregation was registered in 1993 and has around 10,000 members.  The total number of Jehovah's Witnesses in Russia, according to their date, is 250,000.  (tr. by PDS)

(posted 22 February 1999)

Lutherans win court case

The session of the court was conducted 12 jebruary under the leadership of Judge V.A. Komarova in the presence of a representative of the procuracy M.A. Goncharova and representative of the Ministry of Justice of RKh O.V. Mikhalev.  From the Evangelical Lutheran mission (ELMKh) the director of the mission Fr Pavel Zaiakin and attorneys from Moscow Anatoly Pchelintsev and Vladimir Riakovsky, both of the Slavic Legan Center, were present.

The court ruled to reject the request of the procuracy of the republic of Khakasiia for removal of the registration of ELMKh.  The full text of the court's decision will be prepared by 16 February.

Commenting on the court's decision, Fr Pavel Zaiakin said:  "Thanks to the actions of our attorneys the complete insubstantiality of the request from the procurator of RKh was demonstrated and a careful analysis of the situation that had arisen regarding our mission was made.  In the debates and speeches of attorneys Pchelintsev and Riakovsky a very literate evaluation of all that had happened over the course of the last two years was given.

The procurator tried again to use all the old claims.  Nothing new was stated on the side of the prosecution.  Attorney Pchelintsev requested that the court make a determination regarding the security service of Khakasia and V.K. Kachaev, the head of the local administration of Tuim to the effect that their actions violated the constitution and laws of the Russian federation; the court denied this request.

The procuracy intends to continue to press this case in appeals procedures.  This shows that it will not be satisfied with any peaceful resolution.  Representatives of the procuracy understand that if the case continues, then they will face another defeat.  However one gets the impression that they want to pursue the case to a "victorious conclusion." (tr. by PDS)

Russian text at Radiotserkov

(posted 20 February 1999)
 

Georgia helps Dukhobors

10 February 1999

Georgian president Eduard Shevardnadze allotted from the presidental fund 100,000 laras for purchashing homes from Dukhobors who have expressed the desire to move to Russia.  According to RIA Novosti news agency, the homes in the village of Gorelovka, Ninotsmind district, which they are leaving, will be granted free of charge, but without the right of resale, to families of Dukhobors who remain in the village and who need better living quarters.  This was stated by the advisor to the president of Georgia for interethnic relations, Alexis Gerasimov.

"Unfortunately, an attempt is being made by certain circles in Russia and Georgia to give the departure of the Dukhobors a political coloration," he said, "while this is related to problems in the community itself.  I regret that they are leaving Georgia, where their ancestors found refuge more than 150 years ago.  In conditions of the severe climate and high mountains they managed to establish a way of live, preserve their traditions and principles, and create rich farms.  These are hard working and well behaved people who are sincerely respected in Georgia."  Gerasimov noted:  "We are ready to receive them back if they want to return."

In their time the Dukhobors were exiled to Georgia by the tsarist government.  By the beginning of the 1990s there were about 7,000 Dukhobors living in Ninotsmind district.  Their mass departure to Russia began during the time of Zviad Gamsakhurdia.  At the present the community numbers around 1900 persons. (tr. by PDS)

Russian text at Radiotserkov

(posted 20 February 1999)

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